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                <text>Date early: 27.01.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 27.01.1887</text>
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                <text>The Kwahu boys who had gone to a middle school were apparently John Kwasi Wiredu, Daniel Kwadwo Bre, David Kweku Fori, Immanuel Kofi Adakwa. The first was expelled, the other three had run away. Tschopp reports much opposition to schooling in Abetifi on the grounds that in the Middle Schools they did not want Kwahu boys to be taught to be teachers and catechists, because of the fact that these boys had not finished the course. Both in January and August it was a major operation getting the Abetifi school reopened because the scholars simply stayed away on the appointed day. In January only 11 out of the 17 who had been earlier attending could be persuaded to return (there was one case of a parent keeping a boy away unless the missionaries made him a loan). In August out of the 9 who should have returned only 5 did, he took 4 out of the ‘town school’ in Abetifi, one boy came from Nkwatia, and one from Bepong. In addition there were 7 who were servants of the missionaries or children of catechists. He appears to lay great stress on order and tidiness in his running of the school. The 'town school' almost collapsed in the course of the year. Tschopp describes the process of trying to collect pupils for it - the boys express a willingness, and then the teacher or a missionary approaches his family. He offers four cases of refusal – One would only cooperate if he was given a loan of £2, another needed his boy to help him travelling and when hunting, another boy belonged to the fetish because the fetish had given him to his mother, in another case it was believed that the boy would die if he went to school. Although in the end they assembled 5 pupils the school had to be closed and Otieko sent out more on preaching journeys because the house where the school had been held was falling in and they could find no substitute. In Bepong a school which stood at 6 pupils at the beginning of the year now stands at 4, one having come to the Boarding School in Abetifi. The teacher there is wanting in zeal. In Nkwatia there had been a school while Beko was working there - 3 pupils, one of whom has come to the boarding school. (There is a table of the names of the Boarding School scholars, with age and some hints about origins).
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                <text>D-01.45.V..91</text>
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                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.45 - Ghana 1886: D-01.45.V. - Abetifi
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39428">
                <text>Year's Report for the Abetifi Boarding School (Written by Missionary Tschopp)</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39459">
                <text>D-01.46.II.</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="39460">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.46 - Ghana 1887
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            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39461">
                <text>Christiansborg</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39468">
                <text>D-01.46.IV.</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39469">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.46 - Ghana 1887
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39470">
                <text>Agona-Fante</text>
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  <item itemId="100214647" public="1" featured="0">
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              <elementText elementTextId="39471">
                <text>D-01.46.V.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39472">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.46 - Ghana 1887
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              <elementText elementTextId="39473">
                <text>District Conference Ga-Adangme</text>
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  <item itemId="100214648" public="1" featured="0">
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      <name>Text</name>
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          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39474">
                <text>D-01.46.VI.</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39475">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.46 - Ghana 1887
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              <elementText elementTextId="39476">
                <text>Odumase</text>
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  <item itemId="100214649" public="1" featured="0">
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      <name>Text</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39477">
                <text>D-01.46.VII.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39478">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.46 - Ghana 1887
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              <elementText elementTextId="39479">
                <text>Ada</text>
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  <item itemId="100214725" public="1" featured="0">
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>Date early: 29.01.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 29.01.1887</text>
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          <element elementId="41">
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>There is a short paper concerning the pensioning of Catechist Afwireng, still ill and staying with Obeng in Nsakye.
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              <elementText elementTextId="39456">
                <text>D-01.46.I..3</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39457">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.46 - Ghana 1887: D-01.46.I. - General District Conference
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            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39458">
                <text>Eisenschmid to the Members of the General District Conference</text>
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  <item itemId="100214726" public="1" featured="0">
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      <name>Text</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39462">
                <text>Date early: 03.01.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 03.01.1887</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39464">
                <text>Report concerning the baptism of a fetish priest in Legon.
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            <name>Identifier</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39465">
                <text>D-01.46.III..122</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39466">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.46 - Ghana 1887: D-01.46.III. - Abokobi
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39467">
                <text>Seeger to Basel</text>
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  <item itemId="100214651" public="1" featured="0">
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              <elementText elementTextId="39480">
                <text>D-01.47.I.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39481">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887
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            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39482">
                <text>District Conference Akwapim-Akem</text>
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  <item itemId="100214652" public="1" featured="0">
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              <elementText elementTextId="39483">
                <text>D-01.47.II.</text>
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            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39484">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887
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            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39485">
                <text>Aburi</text>
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  <item itemId="100214666" public="1" featured="0">
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      <name>Text</name>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39498">
                <text>Date early: 25.02.1887</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39499">
                <text>Proper date: 25.02.1887</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39500">
                <text>In an appendix to this report written by Müller it seems Hall wrote a Twi script for the Christian Messenger, of which the report in the correspondence is a German translation.  He justifies writing a report about a district other people have visited on the grounds that changes are happening all the while - if one went to a village 10 times there would always be something new to describe. In Anum the Christians are described meeting in the evenings to learn more hymns. In Boso the community had gathered to welcome them – only a few of their children had been sent to the market in Dodi. They are standing fast in the face of persecution, James Asawa is the elder here – a very energetic man. In Kpalime the people gather in the evenings to be taught hymns by Teacher Okanta’s wife. Müller distributed biblical pictures. People said that they would put them at the bottom of their boxes to give their children then they were older. Hall remarks that the Kpalime (Farema) community in fact is composed of people from Kpalime, Kaira and Tsatey. Hippopotamuses come out of the Volta at night onto the grassy plains north of the the Abo river near Kpalime. Tsohoo is depopulated by strife among the inhabitants. Hall believes on account of a ‘magician’. This is partly a hippopotamus hunters' settlement. They slept in Botoku, where they had difficulty finding a clean house. 12th January - through Owusuta, to which 11 villages belong namely Ayngbe, Dsigbe (or Todei), Anyinawase, Tsikwei, Hoime, Anyafo, Waa, Takpetaa, Hatoo, Uotongbe, Gadse. The Owusuta chief’s village is Dsigbe; it is on a hill, the rest are on the plains. The villages are all small now - out of fear the people allied themselves with Adubodof but were taken off to Kumasi - only small numbers managed to escape and return to their country, the chief included. (There were 12 houses in Dsigbe). They then passed Tutunya (or Vakpo’s 5 villages) and spent the next two nights in Anvoi. 13th Jan - the Anvoi people were many of them at a custom in Tutunya. The missionaries passed through Atawuranu and came to the two villages of Daame and Gyanna. In one or both the people fled into the bush thinking they were a government party. Commandant Williams en route back from Peki had visited this area and imprisoned a chief and fined him £30 for having two men killed during the custom for a chief. At the same time the chief of Atawuranu had tried to stop the Ada merchants from passing through his lands en route for the North. This was in order to preserve his market. In speaking here they had to use Ewe, and were interpreted by the Kpalime Christian George Kwasi. They seem to have taken pains to make clear their separateness from government. There was a blind man in one of the villages apparently carrying a quite normal life, farming etc. The people in this area are potters, finding their clay at a certain spot on the Volta, and selling their wares in Anvoi market. The Anvoi people remembered an earlier promise that they should be sent a teacher. 14th January. They left Anvoi and passed through Okyerefo and Siaove where they preached. They reached Kpando, a market place where Salaga people are living - in that respect the town is just like Tetewim (a Krobo town where Hall had spent the first night out from Akropong). In the Salaga part of them town it is very unpleasant - the place is full of fish and very dirty. Only the part of the town where Chief Dagadu lives is clean. They set out to preach in a large open space. Only the king's 3rd brother, who had been in Akwapim, showed the influence of civilisation - he had built fine houses with verandas which were furnished within a little as if by someone who had been with Europeans. All the other houses had their doors at ground level. In the town was a big market place where people from all regions had brought their wares for sale. The main commerce was in foodstuffs both cooked and uncooked. There is nothing you cannot get from this market. From many Nkonya villages they bring Ode yams, plantains, bananas (green and yellow), ‘stockyams', rice, maize, all sorts of fish, game, beef, crabs, tobacco, ashes (used in soap making and in preparing snuff), palm nuts, palm kernels, cotton yarn, raw cotton. They purchase earthenware tobacco pipes, cutlasses, and knives, salt, pots, different herbs, all sorts of beads, European and local cloth, matting, pepper, pineapples, lemons, oranges, tomatoes, okra (Hibiscus esculentus), shea butter, beans, palm wine, local beer, calabashes and so on, The market begins at 9 in the morning and is closed at 3pm. The chief of the Salaga people is called Osman Kato - he is an easy and benevolent man. He is a Siriki, in the time of Kwade he lived in Nyeduase Adukrom, and was for a short while too a soldier. He understands a little of the English language and speaks Twi well. He and the chief asked for someone to come and teach the children - and they heard that the same request had been made to Commandant Williams. 15th and 16th January -to Ntwumuru having passed thrugh the Kpando villages of Aloe, Tesi, Agbenohoe, Dafo, and spent the night in the first Nkonya village, Praprawasi. Hall says he began to be very happy that he had arrived in an area where he had long longed to be. In Praprawasi they met a man who had been baptised by Reindorf in Mayera. From Ntwumuru they visited the village of Benteriase (belonging to the Ntwumuru chief) and Kagyabi. Hall reports a dialectic about giving fufu to a fetish (he remarks on the large numbers of fetishes in Nkonya and Krepi houses - sometimes standing in the four corners). In this case the fetish was a large wooden figure. The people claimed that the fetish eat the spirit of the food, at which Hall said they must be blind because a food obviously had no spirit – only a man had a spirit. The Ntwumuru chief said that he would not hinder them if missionaries worked in his town, (When they arrived to greet him he was counting cowries). Hall remarks that like all the Nkonya and Buem towns this was a dirty place, and the people rarely washed, sleeping in the open air, the adolescents quite naked and lying by each other quite irrespective of family unit etc. 17th January to Wurupon, reeching en route in Ntomda and Tebo. In Ntomda they saw a caravan en route for Salaga. The leader was wearing a broad hat, and carried a long European sword. After him came five small children who were to be sold. An escort cerried a dane-gun. The leader greeted the missionary party after being discomposed to discover a European on his roads while the escort drove the children forward. The missionaries seem simply to have asked him if he did not know slavery was illegal in the Protectorate. Hall remarks that people who carry on this traffic in children deserve to meet an accident every day and to be overtaken by death at a moment when they are not expecting it. In Wurupon Hall found the people in the lower town more attentive than those in the upper. They are cleaner here and better clothed than the people in Ntwumuru. It was easier to get provisions - a hen cost 6d (1/2 Mark). Because of the clothing and cleanliness Hall thinks that mission work would sooner achieve results here than in Ntwunuru. Despite a woman's protests they were allowed to roast yellow plantains, despite the fact that there was a fetish prohibition stemming from a fetish with a house nearby. The house belonged to 'some youths’. 19th January - from Wurupon to Konso where they stayed - although they had not intended this - because they met an Accra family who pressed them to stay, and also they discovered the village where they intended to stay the night was too far. They met first a wife picking Okra on a farm. The man of the family was called Boku - he had been living there a long time. He ferries people across the river when it is high. Because of his energy the Nkonya and Aka people hate him, and they say about him that he is living in their land to get rich. They have not succeeded in harming him yet, however. They met at the same place a Christian from Boso named Catherine Ama. Her home is with her husband in the Aka farming village Kubeta but visits her mother in Konso. Hall regrets that none of them can read to strengthen themselves with the bible. 19th January. After passing a grassy plain they came to the village of Tewobabi - going through a farm belonging to the chief of Tewobabi. They reached the hill called Tapa (Takpa) and then to the village of the chief of the area - Tapa. Their reception was so enthusiastic from the men of the area that they could not preach straight away. There was trouble in the village because three men had get involved with the chief's wife, one of whom being his own brother, another being an Accra man. The matter was being investigated by the people of the village themselves - the Accra man was in the block, and the chief's brother had been fired - it might have cost him his life if he had not been. 20th January. They preached in Tapa and Amannya (there were three villages in some connection, and he gives the names as the two above and Akaneem). To Worawora where they stayed on Jan 21st also. A fine but stony village, no main street, only an open place at the centre. The people pressed them to send someone to stay in the village. Their host had a door in his house which had bought in Kpalime and brought to Worawora. There are dour Worawora villages - Worawora, Apeso Kubi, and Akura. The people are farmers raising yamss and rice. If you wear clothes there they charge you with being proud. 22nd January. Kugye, Atonko, Gyasekan. In the first the interpreter interpreted Hall's sermon so exactly he was very surprised. In Gyasekan they met Samuel Anim, the husband of Catherine Ama, the woman they had met in Konso. 23rd January. They spent the day near Borada, but as the people there were involved with a Custom they climbed a high hill to Adukru. There was a large ruined village up there which used to be Borada, but it had been destroyed in the Asante war, after which most of the pecele decided to rebuild in the plain below. Hall remarks that it was a village like that of the Krobos, and the people themselves claimed that it had been a very fine town. Samuel Anim had to act as their interpreter. The people of Adukru ware at first afraid of them, but after they had preached they were very friendly and tried to give them presents of cowries. 24th January – Apanya (the chief of Borada presumably) ordered his people to attend a meeting to hear the preaching. The priests were present decorated, and in long robes. Hall preached on the blindness of serving the fetishes, and the opening of eyes which follows becoming a Christian. The linguist was puzzled - he had understood the fetishes stood between them and God. Hall seems to have stressed the Christian's direct approach to God. The chief was already prepared for the arrival of the party in that - he had heard of developments in Anum and Boso; he said that wherever they wanted for a missionary settlement they could have it, and he had two boys whom he wanted to be taken to Akropong for schooling. At this place they were given a white umbrella which had been left by the 1884 Salaga party in Asukoko. Realising they had left it behind the missionaries had then asked a youth to care for it until another of them visited the area - now it was handed over to them. The umbrella in fact belonged not to a European but to a Lobi servant of Dr Mähly. They had planned to go through Adome Apafo to Lolobi, but the chief would not hear of it since there was a nasty sickness there. So he gave them a guide to take them on a different road to Lolobi as as Tetemang. They stayed the night in the latter - it is built in such a steep place that some of the houses are built under overhangs. They could buy nothing with silver – the people only used cowries. 2 strings bought a yam. 25th January - through Apafo where they were intergiven by an Apafo man who had stayed for some time in Cape Coast. The chief asked them to bring guns for him to buy next time they came. 26 January – Apafo to Santokrofi. In the latter the people were worried that they would take a specimen of their work to Europe in order to copy it and so harm their trade. Hall did not understand until it was explained to him that when people throw two strings of cowries at your feet this is a sign of welcome like the offer of water in Akwapim. 27th January, through the 5 Pekyipong villages and spent the night at Avaga, after the chief in Pekyipong tried to detain them even with threats. He said that Chief Kwadwo Dee was his elder brother. 28th January, passing through the villages Kulea, Groknaati, Gbadome, Deme, Logba, and the Avatime village Djokpo. They spent the night at an outstation called Jerusalem. There was a catechist called Joshua, and a teacher, also they met Richard Kwatia and his wife from Aburi, travelling in this district in pursuit of trade. He died the region somewhere and the people where he died took the trouble to take him to a place where he could have a Christian burial. 29th January - to Akave where they spent the night (at Jerusalem Müller who began to suffer from fever At Pekyipong hired hammockmen). 30th January. Through Agatae Nyeduase Peve, Abrofoom to Tsatei where their arrival coincided with the birth of a child in the house of the elder of the Christians. Next day being Sunday Müller took services in Kpalime and Boso, Ball in Tsatei, the Christians assembling in a long room where weaving was carried on. In Anum they met Mr. Geuger who wanted to buy a big boat - but the owner of the boat could not get it to the river. Additional anthropological information: Nkonya houses have very low eaves, but are very roomy. Nevertheless the stranger prefers to sleep in the houses where they weave. For at night they shut their houses when they go to sleep. The honouring of elders in Nkonya Boem and Krakyi pleased him - if you go to greet an elder you do it with a bow. The kitchens are kept so clean that you can sleep in them. The houses are decorated with the pots of their daughters - when a girl marries she takes her pot away with her - until then they all stand in a row inside. The Nkonya have the reputation of murderers and robbers, like the Krobos. Many travellers to Salaga are killed. Hall says daily through having to remain behind through illness and so losing the protection of their travelling companions. Human sacrifice is offered to their fetish Sia also - the fetish has two large drums which are only beaten to the occasion of human sacrifice. They say ‘Nkonya Wurapon’, and 'Efi totete' - 'death is let loose in Nkonya as of old'. This is still practiced. At the fetish’s yearly festival a man is only allowed to drink (Hall says in the fetish house) if you have a skull as a cup. Hall offers a description of the barbarities of practice in the area in the event of murder or accidental killing (they are treated alike according to him, and endemic in that 'play' is always leading to heated exchanges even between friends). The normal pattern is revenge - either the death of the man responsible for the earlier death, or revenge visited on his village (if the killer was from a different village). According to Hall the Kagebi people even burnt the Boem chief’s village under these sort of circumstance - the chief was persuaded only after a long period to return to his proper village site, and even now his house is small considering his position. The Kagebi people have a saying – if you flight with sticks, it soon comes that there is an uproar, and people start using arrows. There is also great fear of eating the food and drink in another village because of the danger people think there is that they may be poisoned. Marriage does not involve the husband in debts as it does in Akwapim - the husband only has to give the bride a mat and a cloth. Only one aspect of the marriage takes much activity - the preparation of food. The husband must provide the meat, and the special food is cooked for eight days. The husband has to bring the bride for 8 days 2 dishes of fufu -at the same time on the first day 24 balls of abete are made, with a thin soup made from maize flour ripe bananas or plantains together with a piece of flesh which can be divided into 24 pieces. Next day there must be 6 fufus with meat. On the eighth day a ram is killed, whose head is made into soup and poured over the fufu. After 8 days the girl is brought to her husband's house, people go with her, carrying her ‘hearth’: when they arrive then fire le lit and she makes abete without salt - that goes into the soup which is made of different herbs. This is divided between the families, her husband and her husband's friends. On that eighth day the bride does not anoint herself with shea-butter after her meal, but a red 'medicine' made from a certain tree. The custom for widows is not so honerous as in Akwapim. She may not eat only so long as the body of her husband is unburied - once buried she must wash, and eat fufu. What is not permitted is anointing herself after washing, or decorating herself. This is only allowed after she has been given medicine which purifies her. If the dead husband's family do not want to care for the widow they prevent her eating fufu for eight days by becoming their dead relative when she has prepared her food. They have only one festival as far as Hall could see - that in honour of their fetish Sia, which they celebrate once a year. Hall specifically states that people say they have no planting festival, no harvest festival, and no Adae. This is a time for fine clothes and ornaments. He again remarks how in all the houses there are fetishes decorated with beads and cloth, to whom part of the household food is offered. They have only a six-day week (Hall writes down the day-names with the English day-name equivalents). Hall also gives a description of iron-working in the Buem area. The charcoal is made for holes in the ground, the fire being kept in for 8 days. Their actual iron working is done with an anvil made of quartz bedded in the ground, whose upper side is covered with something - Hall did not know what. When working, they do not stand still, but move around the anvil. They make their own tools – hammers, tongs, chisels specifically cited. The hammers have a very short handle, only a finger’s length and are made completely of iron. Their bellows are very old-fashioned handled and when they are worked they make a noise like a drum. They are worked not by one man but by 3-5 working in turns. All the tools are beaten out in this way. Their hoes are unlike the Akwapim hoes that the shaft is bent. They saw the place where the iron is mined - very like gold-diggings, some of them quite deep. One of the smiths showed them how after rubbing his hands in the dust on the floor of the smithy he could pick glowing iron out of the fire with them and rub it so that the sparks flew – still with his hands. Unlike the pople in Santrokofi, those in Apafo wanted them to stay with them, and pressed for a teacher. In a geographical note Hall says that Apafo is really two villages Apato-Gya on the hill and Apafo Dome on the plain. Lolobi is two places and Santrokofi 3, each five minutes apart. Iron is worked in these places. In this area of Buem the people call their houses Aban not adan - and indeed their houses are more stoutly built: - in Borada, Apafo, Teteman, Beyika, Lolobi and Santrokofi. In Santrokofi Hall reports that most girls are assigned for marriage very early to their lives – he seems to feel this is unusual
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                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.III. - Akropong
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                <text>Hall's Report on the Journey in the Back Country of the Anum Mission District</text>
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                <text>Date early: 10.01.1887</text>
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                <text>Part 2 and Part 3 of the report are in the numbers 42 and 45.  He feels the town of Anum larger and finer than it was when he was there before the Asante war. In Boso the community consist of 50 adults – the men were exclusively young men in their twenties - and there are more men than women. They were all dressed in local cloth. The land on which they are settling they have not yet been able to buy - they have only received permission to settle on it.
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                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.III. - Akropong
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                <text>Date early: 26.03.1887</text>
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                <text>Part 1 of the report is in number 41, Part 3 in number 45.  Anum-Boso together with their villages may number 6000 people. In Anum several of the people who had been Christians before the destruction of the station are still to be found among its members -- especially those who were brought up by the missionaries. Müller feels the large and attentive audiences at street preaching indicate the likelihood of large increases in the number of Christians in the near future – he seems not to be used to this phenomenon. They were happy to be listened to by many children, but Müller notes that many seemed quite weak, if not outright undernourished. ‘Family life is not properly organized among the heathen - indeed the whole of their life is faulty in this way, now often it happens that the mother does not provide food regularly because she is leading an irregular life in the dancing and playing of the many obsequy ceremonies.’ The enthusiasm for singing among the Christian women of Anum has been caught from Boso; at a burial of an Anum Christian Boso women knew so many hymns thatthe Anum women developed a zeal not be left so far behind. In this report he gives a figure of 30-40 adults in the community. He advised them to maintain unity in the face of heathen persecution – and said that love was the bond of unity. He also warned them to be consistant and firm. The Christians he describes as mostly young people, fathers and mothers of families – although there are a few older people among them. Kpalime - 20 schoolboys, and 30-40 older people in the Christian community. 5 of the- Kpalime families are from Tsatey, 2 hours to the Eastwards, and have asked very energetically for a teacher of their town. Their village numbers about 300 people. Müller feels the increase of the Kpalime community is partly because teacher Okanta is an energetic man - he heard one of his sermons and was very pleased with the way it concentrated on teaching about Christ.
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                <text>Johannes Müller's Report on the Journey in Nkonya and Buem (Part 2)</text>
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                <text>Date early: 24.04.1887</text>
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                <text>Part 1 and Part 2 of the report are in the numbers 41 and 42.  In Botoku the fetish in the house where they slept was a shrub, beneath which stood a bowl of water. One of the Müller’s companions asked someone living in the house why he did not cut it down - the reply was that he was not the owner of the house. A 25 year old man is described as the owner - the house a compound with 4 small huts. Therefore he had not the right. Botoku has few people, though it has villages around which belong to it. The people were taken into captivity in Kumasi, many of the men have taken the opportunity to escape. Müller cites one sent to fetch salt from Cape Coast who took the opportunity that journey offered to escape. The women and children are still by and large in Asante. Müller thinks their religiosity is probably connected with the 1869 disaster. They are trying to insure against its re-occurrence. In the Tusuta villages they met few people because here, as elsewhere, everybody was busy planting. Those they did meet were not very interested in their message and claimed that they had no freedom to do anything about it - if the chief and elders became Christians, they would do. Anvoi he estimates at less than 1000 inhabitants, though 10 villages were named as belonging to the town. There is a weekly market in Anvoi. The tour they made from Anvoi on January 13th he says was through the Tauro district. Müller’s picture is of acute anxiety giving way rapidly to welcome and interest when they made it clear that they were missionaries. The pottery he describes as being carried on without tools - the people bring the clay from quite a distance and make the pots in their houses. He remarks that in the Tauro area the people understood little Twi, but in Siaove they understood Twi well. They also wanted a teacher. In Kpando they stayed in the best house in the town – it belonged to the chief's brother. When they arrived the market had not started. They were pressed to send a teacher not by the chief but by his brother, and by the Mohammedan chief who had made the same request three years earlier. There were 500-600 people at the Kpando market – though there were no booths, the people brought their own stools and set out their wares in the containers in which they had come. Currency need was cowries and English money. To the list of articles on sale given by Hall (see No. 43), Müller adds only tools - hoes, cutlasses, axes, knives. 10-12 villages belong to Kpando. In connection with Ntwumuru Müller remarks that Nkonya people have changed from their old six-day-week - their rest-days all fall on the same day of the 7 day week, and the same is true of the markets at Anvoi and Kpando. In Ntwumuru the rest day was a Saturday. Müller remarks how energetically the people were working at their planting although they appeared so poor. Their reception was very boisterous in Ntwumuru. Hall was frequently interrupted by the noise. He was surprised to be able to buy oranges there. In Ntwumuru Hall had a night conversation with several people about a certain notable Mohammedan who had been murdered because of his quarrelsomeness, others that the cause was the Krakye’s lust for gold. Müller himself comments that he does not rely on the reports of murders in Buem and Nkonya, though a woman told them about a thicket which the robbers used as cover – and he repeats the remark that 5 men are sacrificed annually to the fetish Sia in Wurupon. Several men visited them repeatedly in Ntwumuru –one of them spoke the wish that a school should be opened in Ntwumuru. Müller evidently understood this as school in the real sense, because he says, they intended to send their children to it. .Other young men wanted to be taught English, and indeed gave Hall no peace until he had taught them some English words. The Ntwumuru chief said that they were now English subjects, and showed Müller the treaty concluded with Commandant Williams. The text showed, however, that the treaty was not binding, and only said that if the Nkonya people had not gone back on the idea by the end of one year they would be numbered in the English Colony. The people and the chief showed little real desire for the gospel. Müller repeats Hall's material on the state of criminal law in Nkonya and reckons they actually saw Sia’s death drums at the entrance to Wurupon. Discussing the two Buem Christians they met Müller says they were both baptised at Apirede, the man being a carpenter by trade. In Konso they came across an old woman who had been accused of killing through witchcraft, and was fleeing from having to take the Odum ordeal. The ‘palaver’ in Tepa was concluded each day with the dividing up of meat among the men at the meeting. Müller’s comment on Tepa as a whole was that the people had no ear for the gospel this time - among those present at street preaching was a young fetish priest called Amangnya who listened quietly but went away before they had left the village. The owner of the house with the only European style door in Worawora is described as a young man. He was an acquaintance of George Kwasi, the Kpalime Christian who was carrying a load for Müller and acting as their guide. In Kugya he remarks at the end of the repeated sermon was that they wanted to find water. Müller was interested to see that the hut where they had slept three years ago, then new and not yet inhabited, was no broken down and uninhabitable. In Gyasekan Hall went so far as to advise them to give up the-carrying of the dead and the Odum drink, saying that these were no longer done in Akwapim and there was peace there now. He was heard without an uproar. In Borada it was the missionaries who suggested that they should take a couple of boys to Akropong to learn to read. The chief agreed, the boys were selected, but then the fetish priests intervened, and the plan had to be dropped. Müller had stressed the usefulness of having one of your own people who could read and write letters. Hall’s sermon was based on Luke 18.31. One of Hall’s points was that the fetish priests lived in the same poverty and suffered the same illnesses as everyone else ‘The Son of God was come to open the eyes of the blind, to help them in every respect out of their poverty, and to open their eyes so that they could tee the kingdom of God.' The linguist’s question stressed the help they believed they received from fetishes in time of illness, and also the disciplinary function they believed the fetishes performed. The fetishes have power over life and death. The missionaries answer to this was apparently to point out that although the Christians have thrown their fetishes away they still die -at this remark the whole assembly broke out into a storm of laughter. The chief welcomed the fact that they had heard the Word of God as it is believed in Akwapim and Europe. He also remarked that in their land things changed - before they had worn clothes made from the bark of trees, now they wore cotton clothes. They felt most welcome in Borada. Müller judges the people are for the gospel - in Gyasekan the chief offered them carriers, and in Borada boys went with them carrying their luggage for part of the way to the next place. The Ho outstation called Jerusalem was by the village of Tschokpoe. The interior of an Anvoi house is described in some detail. The walls decorated with strings of beads and amulets. The grass roof came down to within 3' of the ground, so that the entrance was half-hidden, and you had to bend low to get inside. There was no table, chair, or window-shutter – they are nowhere to be found in this region. The furniture consisted of earthenware pots, mats, and one or two half-moon shaped seats about 1’ high. A loom stood in the house and a small hearth on which were placed amulets. The children in the slave-party which they saw were aged 12+15 according to Müller. He considers people become more friendly and welcoming as one went inland. The occasion for this comment was the warm welcome they received from the Mohammedan chief in Kpando, but he makes the generalisation that in Crepe they were hardly ever presented with palm wine: in Nkonya this was more frequent: and almost the rule in Buem. Currency: Only in some very remote towns in Buem were the people not prepared to accept English money. Otherwise that and cowries were circulating side by side. Rice he found growing all round Buem and Nkonya, and the rice stores which Hall uses as an aid to describe the smelting ovens at Aprafo seem to have been a common feature of the villages in these areas. In Worawora Müller saw a woman winnowing rice by dropping it so that the wind carried away the husks and writes that he has seen exactly the same method in use in Württemberg. He is puzzled by the poverty of the Nkonya-Buem people - at least as judged by their clothes. They have cotton and looms - why do they not wear clothes more often? Although it is clear that he feels nakedness is morally a bad thing, he was particularly troubled by the spectacle of children in Worawora naked, yet shivering with cold in the morning air.
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                <text>D-01.47.III..45</text>
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                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.III. - Akropong
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                <text>Johannes Müller's Report on the Journey in Nkonya and Buem (Part 3)</text>
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                <text>Date early: 17.02.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 17.02.1887</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39512">
                <text>He returned to Begoro from Acora with a military escort oh 16th February Previously after much effort Simonds had persuaded Ata to leave for Accra on January 8th, a few days previously Bosompem and the two other accused had been taken to the coast under military escort, though Ata complained that they would be influenced in their evidence if the case was heard in Accra. All the Kibi Christians went under police escort to Mampong, where they waited until Ata was at Obom before going fight down to the coast. Mohr himself received instructions to go to the coast on 18th January, arrived there on 24th, but the case was never investigated because Ata fell ill almost immediately. The Governor had intended to have a political investigation of relations between Ata and the Christians over the whole period from 1874. Its members had been named as Quaty Jones, Att. General, president, Mr Cleland as representing the Ata,- and Sunter as the Mission's representative. This has however collapsed now, Ata is dead. The missionaries could not let things rest, of course and eventually got Bosompem free on £150 bail. They also had to press for a decision as to Bosompem's innocence, the extorted money and compensation paid for the plundered farms. With the death of the Okyenhene things took on a serious aspect. Unfortunately the Governor allowed the body to be taken straight back to Kibi, and in View of the fact that strife between Christians and heathens-was likely during the excesses of the custom for him, all Kibi Christians were forbidden from returning to Kibi. In the streets of Osu this was turned into the belief that the Governor had given countenance to all Christians leaving Akim. Mohr had submitted two documents to the Governor, one on 10th February on what he believed was currently happening in Akim, and one signed by the Osu missionaries rehearsing the events of 17-26 December 1886 and asking if the missionaries and the Akim Christians could on the whole reckon on being under English protection. This resulted in a Council being held, and the sending of an officer with 60 troops: obviously at present the Government is doing something. On the morning of 12th February Mohr travelled alone to Aburi, but was not allowed to go further except in the convoy of soldiers and notifying the officer of his movement: In Aburi they met a special messenger who reported that the Apapam and Tete people especially had been causing damage - windows were broken in in the Kibi mission house, furniture and the stations' library looted, the shutters taken off and taken away. In the church the harmonium, altar and pulpit had been burned, Christian houses were demolished, boxes etc. found were looted. It was said that the Akims were especially angry with Mohr for having caused the death of the King and bringing an evil destiny onto Akim through his report to the Governor. It was even said that the Tafo and Osiem people were prepared to shoot him, though in fact the arrival of the troops caused a healthy shock in Akim and there was no trouble when he went through these two settlements en route for Begoro. In Begoro he found no Christians - on Ata's death the order had come from Kibi to chase Christians and missionaries away, but Sitzler had persuaded the Begoro people - on the whole well-disposed to them- to give him and Mrs Mohr time to call porters from Akwapim. A few days later 50 Koforidua people arrived, demanding 5-l0/- a day. They were sent away again. Their situation is currently uncertain. Some people believe that there will be war, since the Kibis know that they will not go unpunished. Others think it will not come to this - the missionaries pray daily that no war may come about since that would involve their leaving Akim for a time. The Station presents a stirring spectacle, with the soldiers drilling morning and evening, and living in the Christian village. Captain Lethbridge is so far, thank God, well. Mohr presents a comprehensive and gloomy picture of the situation in Akim, with the services being held only in one instead of 25 places, chapels damaged, Christians robbed, sheep and shepherds wandering to Kwahu, Akwapim and the coast. He is uncertain even whether the community in Kibi would return if there was an English officer stationed there. In a final paragraph on the activities of the local agents he remarks that Anoff in Apapam had the courage to stay at his post, and to go to the local chief and tell him that he held him responsible for the safety of mission preperty. Ntom and Kukurantumi and Tete in Asiakwa also stayed at their posts.
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                <text>D-01.47.IV..67</text>
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                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.IV. - Begoro
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                <text>Mohr's Report to Basel</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39516">
                <text>Date early: 08.03.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 08.03.1887</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39518">
                <text>It is conderned with administrative details especially in connection with the activities of the local agents. Anoff apparently arrived in Aburi only on 13th February, and has been given a 6 week vacation. The two schools were being carried on in Begoro. Ntom had that day returned to Kukurantumi to reside there, while Botwe had gone to Apedwa to investigate damage. Anoba and Gyamera had returned to Abomosu/Asunafo for the same purpose, Tate and Boabea to Asiakwa similarly, though Boabea will attempt to start work 1n Tafo again. Labi does not want to go via Tumfa to Aktapim to look after the Akims there. He denies that he had wanted to go to - Accra to get involved in the case over the Akrofi case. Ofori is uncertain whether to take 6 months leave and go to Accra because of the Akrofi case, or go and see what had happened to his things in Kibi. Mohr had told him that if he went to Accra no-one would look out for his things and see what he had lost; he should have stayed at his post and then he would have seen to their protection or seen who had robbed them. They expect the soldiers to go to Kibi in a few days. The rumour that the Abetifi missionaries are beleaguered is now known to be rumour.
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                <text>D-01.47.IV..68</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39520">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.IV. - Begoro
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                <text>Mohr to Eisenschmid</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39522">
                <text>Date early: 12.03.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 12.03.1887</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39524">
                <text>He remarks that Akrofi is Ofori's uncle, chief of Late currently under investigation. Eisenschmid regards him as having much to blame in the Akim disturbances for not having accepted Mohr's instructions, though he is now better disposed.
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              <elementText elementTextId="39525">
                <text>D-01.47.IV..69</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39526">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.IV. - Begoro
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              <elementText elementTextId="39527">
                <text>Eisenschmid's Subscript to Mohr's Letter (No 68)</text>
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                <text>Date early: 21.03.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 21.03.1887</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39530">
                <text>A contemporary report of the Middle School pupils' wish to leave Begoro in middle March. One of Sitzler's tactics was to warn the teachers that if the pupils went away the mission would having nothing for them to do and they would go onto 1/3 pay. The stations' conference in fact asks full powers to send people on 1/3 pay for an unlimited period from 31 Mar if they do not return to their stations. They had had a meeting with the local employees over this point in which harsh words had been spoken, and the protocol reflects the missionaries' anger at the lack of voluntary spirit among their subordinates. The fact that none of the local agents gathered in Begoro had offered to take prayers instead of the sick teacher Asumen was an immediate cause of hard feelings. Mohr had explained that if there was no work for them in Akim then they would have to go back to Aburi to either be posted to another place or sent on leave. Into the general tense feelings Mohr inserted the accusation that had Ofori stayed at his post in Kibi things would have gone differently, to which he replied that he was there for the Christians, who had in fact all gone away, but Mohr pointed out that he had repeated given him instructions to stay to look after the missions’ property, both initially orally and later in writing it. Other points raised in discussion were Ofori’s accusing Mohr of hating him - he was after all as old as Mohr, while Mohr resented Ofori's pressure for more subordinates, especially when the Tumfa district was taken from his responsibilities in 1885. Mohr evidently saw him as pursuing the status of a senior position without being prepared to do the work – one point of friction was Ofori's wish to be allowed to use three rooms of the Kibi Mission House for his household, another that the weekday services were handed over to Boabea instead of being taken by Ofori himself. He had also had 11 weeks' leave in 1886. He has now however gone with Captain Brenan to Kibi to see what has happened to mission property and his own.
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              <elementText elementTextId="39531">
                <text>D-01.47.IV..70</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39532">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.IV. - Begoro
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              <elementText elementTextId="39533">
                <text>Begoro Stations Conference</text>
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  <item itemId="100215906" public="1" featured="0">
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                <text>Date early: 23.03.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 23.03.1887</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39536">
                <text>He complains about Mohr's having criticised him in public. The agents' side had felt it a provocation that - according to this letter - Mohr had accused them of instigating the school boys to want to run easy because they were themselves afraid. He also complains that Mohr is grumbling at their not doing anything, though the officer in charge of the English troops has forbidden them to return to their posts until it is clear what is going to happen when the troops go to Kibi.
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                <text>D-01.47.IV..71</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="39538">
                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.IV. - Begoro
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                <text>Ofori to Eisenschmid als General Präses</text>
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                <text>Date early: 27.03.1887</text>
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                <text>Date late: 11.04.1887</text>
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                <text>Proper date: 27.03.1887-11.04.1887</text>
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            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>The reactions are not unanimous; Eisenschmid takes Mohr‘s part, but Jos. Müller points out that they do not know whether or not the agents are prevented from returning to their posts by the orders of the military or their own fears, and if the former then the proposed action is hardly fair, if the latter then they should be straightforwardly suspended for disobedience. He also points out that Mohr had made a mistake in talking to Ofori in public, and in harsh terms. Steiner proposes a 3 month suspension for Ofori with half pay.
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          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                <text>D-01.47.IV..73</text>
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          <element elementId="49">
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                <text>[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.47 - Ghana 1887: D-01.47.IV. - Begoro
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                <text>Subscripts from Eisenschmid, Müller and Steiner to Ofori's Letter (No 71)</text>
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