2744 20 77831 Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 04.12.1847 Proper date: 04.12.1847 Description An account of the resource They could not finish the repair of the sawing machine and the bricks. The following buildings were completed: 1) A stone house containing the store, the girl’s school room for Mrs. Widmann, and a carpenter's workshop. 2) A Turkey house and also for corn and empty bottles. 3) A stone stable for goats and sheep. 4) A latrine with a pit so as to get manure. The old latrine converted into a washing room. A new kitchen built and a new blacksmith shed. The houses were covered with shingles given out to the West Indians on contract (p 1). Work of the carpenters: Tables etc (exact list given). Work of the labourers: clearing bush, building, farm work etc (listed). Thompson willing to do any work, but not truly repentant, though using the language of Canaan. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 3 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.02.(1847).I.,21 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.02 - Ghana 1842-1848: D-01.02.(1847) - Akropong and Christiansborg: D-01.02.(1847).I. - Akropong Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 19.02.1848 Proper date: 19.02.1848 Description An account of the resource Glad that inspector encourages him to plant. Widmann had been against it but he, Mohr, liked it very much to serve the pagans thus. 2-300 plaintains and Banana planted, 5-600 little coffee tree seedlings transplanted, about 1000 Yams, beans. The West Indians encouraged by his success. Especially Rochester plants much Yams, plaintains and bananas. Mrs. Rochester makes groundnut oil. Repair of the sawing machine, much trouble. Oranges do well. He needs seedlings for grapes, fir trees and pine trees, tobacco seeds and instruction how to make tobacco. Making a better path. Buildings. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.02.(1848).I.,04 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.02 - Ghana 1842-1848: D-01.02.(1848) - Akropong, Letters and Reports from Schiedt, Meischel and Stanger: D-01.02.(1848).I. - Akropong Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 18.05.1848 Proper date: 18.05.1848 Description An account of the resource Report on the plantation work (p 1). Difficulties with labourers settled. Buildings, carpentry work, repair of West Indian houses (p 2). The sawing machine repaired, but the wood cannot be brought here, therefore the machine useless (pp 2-3). Sheep trouble our farm. Description of the burial of a boy (pagan) (pp 3-4). Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 4 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.02.(1848).I.,14 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.02 - Ghana 1842-1848: D-01.02.(1848) - Akropong, Letters and Reports from Schiedt, Meischel and Stanger: D-01.02.(1848).I. - Akropong Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 05.06.1848 Proper date: 05.06.1848 Description An account of the resource Asks for good type of tobacco seed. The one he planted not good. Request for a wife repeated. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 page Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.02.(1848).I.,15 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.02 - Ghana 1842-1848: D-01.02.(1848) - Akropong, Letters and Reports from Schiedt, Meischel and Stanger: D-01.02.(1848).I. - Akropong Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 17.01.1849 Proper date: 17.01.1849 Description An account of the resource i) The Building of the West Indian houses: premiums given to masons for quick work. Work at the stone house for Widmann begun (pp 1-2). ii) The planting coffee: doing well, once the plants are higher than 1 foot before that time, some animal rodes away leaves at night. He planted about 300 trees harvested last year 23 lbs coffee. He gave part of it as seed to the West Indians and Meischel Cocoyam (arrow root and plantains and bananas). Cotton: He has not the time to take proper care of it. But doing well. Yams: needs much work and much is stolen from them. Corn: he harvested 35 bushels. Groundnuts planted but a little needs much work, profit small. Vegetables. Laborers (including West Indian workers): 20-30 (pp 2-3). Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 4 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.03.II.,02 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.03 - Ghana 1849-1851: D-01.03.II. - Akropong 1849 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 20.01.1849 Proper date: 20.01.1849 Description An account of the resource Personal. Request for a wife. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 1 page Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.03.II.,03 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.03 - Ghana 1849-1851: D-01.03.II. - Akropong 1849 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 19.04.1849 Proper date: 19.04.1849 Description An account of the resource Not content about some of the tools sent. Requirements. The seeds should be packed in glasses or tins. Most of the seeds sent were spoiled. Why no tobacco seeds? Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.03.II.,14 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.03 - Ghana 1849-1851: D-01.03.II. - Akropong 1849 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 21.12.1849 Proper date: 21.12.1849 Description An account of the resource Account of his sickness (p 2). About the building, held up only a little by sickness of West Indians (p 2-3) Planting: Much time spent on weeding and the repair of the fence. Shall concentrate on arrowroot and Coffee He harvested 194 lbs coffee and 74 lbs arrowroot. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 3 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.03.II.,24 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.03 - Ghana 1849-1851: D-01.03.II. - Akropong 1849 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 10.01.1850 Proper date: 10.01.1850 Description An account of the resource Requirements: Tools and clothes Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 2 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.03.VI,01 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.03 - Ghana 1849-1851: D-01.03.VI - Akropong 1850 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 28.05.1850 Proper date: 28.05.1850 Description An account of the resource Sickness. Cured with chinin (p 1). About the plantation: Coffee and arrowroot plantation increased. They no longer need to buy plantains or Bananas. Zimmermann brought much seed, will try out lucerne ("Klee") and cattle rearing. A stable shall be built. Then they may get butter and cheese and manure for the coffee plantation. West Indians sick, this holds back work. Hall supervisor on farm. Rochester and Mullings supply wood (p 2). Sickness and marriage (p 3). Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 4 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.03.VI,08 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.03 - Ghana 1849-1851: D-01.03.VI - Akropong 1850 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 16.06.1850 Proper date: 16.06.1850 Description An account of the resource Thanks for the wife sent to him, is very happy. Concentrates on coffee and arrowroot. Preparing a burial ground, bordering it with Mango trees. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 3 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.03.VI,10 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.03 - Ghana 1849-1851: D-01.03.VI - Akropong 1850 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 01.01.1851 Proper date: 01.01.1851 Description An account of the resource About the new building. Arrowroot plantation very big, improved grinding and flower making, but where shall he go in future with all the flour? Coffee have now 1464 tree. Last year was dry, therefore not much yield (pp 1-2). He made a new garden. Got breadfruit tree seedling and two fig tree seedlings from Rev. Wharton. Accra doing well. Much labour with the fence: Sticks stolen by people from town and attacked by white ants. The house at Aburi near collapsing point (pp 3-4). Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 4 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.04a.I.,01 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.04a - Ghana 1851-1853: D-01.04a.I. - Akropong 1851 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 16.01.1851 Proper date: 16.01.1851 Description An account of the resource Thanks for promised tobacco pipes. About tools: found only half of the tools which should have been at Akropong. Sends coffee and arrowroot flour to Basel. Please send 1 lbs coffee to Jerusalem as seeds for brother Palmer. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 3 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.04a.I.,02 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.04a - Ghana 1851-1853: D-01.04a.I. - Akropong 1851 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 10.02.1851 Proper date: 10.02.1851 Description An account of the resource News of birth of his child and arrival of Süss. Arrowroot not yet sent off, difficulties of transport. Coffee tree endangered by the dry period. Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource 3 pages Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.04a.I.,04 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.04a - Ghana 1851-1853: D-01.04a.I. - Akropong 1851 Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 22.03.1875 Proper date: 22.03.1875 Description An account of the resource The bulk of this letter is printed in a Basel Mission pamphlet under the title “Begoro und Okwau. Bericht über zwei Untersuchungsreisen als Vorbereitung für die Asante-Mission" (1875). Travelling Akropong-Kibi-Begoro Mohr mentions the following: At Kukurantumi the Christians village consisted of 7 huts 5 minutes away from the main village. He locates the greatest concentration of gold diggings as being on the route from Pano and Tete eastwards – there are stretches there where are holes dug every two or three steps. Graves are outside the villages marked by pots, sometimes there is food to be seen on them, and sometimes on a stick framework a piece of cloth or a feather hangs over them. There is always a 2’ high palisade before you enter a village to keep the spirits out. The big villages he finds characteristic and this contrasts with Akwapim where people spend nights out in the plantation villages. Here and there on the houses you see well-built doors with locks. From Tete the route went Sagyimase-Nsutam-Fankyeneko-Dome-Akurum-Atopasin-Begoro. Mohr notes that at one place Mader preached in twi, and was followed by one of the carriers who explained in simple language what Mader had meant: throw away your fetishes and pray to Jesus. In another place a crowd was gathered for street preaching by shouting “Mommera-o”. A catechist made a start with John 3.16, Mohr himself (in English) preached about the disease of sin being inspired to do so by the many sick who were brought to them in the village. When Mader was preaching once an old man got up and explained he was going to get his pipe, but Mader ordered him to sit down and hear the word of God. In one village some fetish procession or other approached them but several members of the party called out “Look out the great fetish-priest-breaker (Obroakomfo) is here” and the people ran away leaving behind two small bells which the three members of the seminary who were accompanying seized with great glee. Their reception in these villages was on the whole welcoming, except that in Nsutam they found it difficult to buy a hen for super. On at least two occasions the hen was bought and in the possession of the missionaries it was taken back because it had to be offered to the fetish. One factior which Mohr identifies as contributing to the quality of their reception was the curiosity which people showed about new things- Mader’s glasses caused a sensation in Nsutam. A further point about routes: from Begoro, as far as Mohr could find out, it was 4 days journey to Kwahu and there are no villages for most of the way. From Kibi it would have been three days journey via Asiakwa, Samang, Osino, Gyadam, Moseaso and Anyinam. In Begoro they had very good reception which may be partly accounted for by the fact that they sent a catechist one week ahead of them. But he had the impression especially among the younger generation (of whom he noticed a great preponderance at a political gathering which he saw). He saw more than once men say to each other with childlike joy “Onyankopon asam aba”. Of Begoro in general he says little except that the street is 25' wide, and set with 42 shade trees. They were interested at the near panic which occurred the first evening after their arrival when drums were heard in the north. It turned out to the one of the sub-chiefs of Kwahu coming unannounced to ask for the Begorohene’s intervention in a dispute. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.27.XI..254 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.27 - Ghana 1875: D-01.27.XI. - Begoro Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel - Report concerning an Exploratory Journey to Begoro Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: July 1881 Proper date: July 1881 Description An account of the resource The report begins with a five page introduction about preparations and travelling techniques. Leaving Begoro he remarks that there is a pond in the course of the river Osubeng near the town, which is accounted a fetish - women pray to it for children, and it is also the water in which the stools and fetishes are washed, and where the bereaved have to purify themselves. He comments on the Akura that they found by the way that they are light houses built of materials easy to find in the woods, and lived in by farmers or hunters or snail gathered for part of the year. The ‘traditional hospital' is often a grouping of such houses - people often live through long illnesses in the forest. This is partly because of the fear that in the town ill-wishing neighbours would be able to interrupt one's recovery, or inflict a further illness. They passed on the first day an Akura called Oboro-Ahohoo (he cudgeled the strangers), where they met 4 men from Gyakiti. These people knew that there was a white man in Anum who planned to travel through Gyakiti to Begoro, and that there was a white man from Akropong with him. (These were the missionaries Munz and Eisenschmid). Aboroahohoo was 5 hours from Begoro: as in all such places they were able to find an old pot for cooking, and a mortar for making fufu. Next day after two or three hours they came to Kokone Mountain, which Mohr says was once inhabited by the Krobos, until troubles with the Akems persuaded them to move to Krobo Mountain. Two hours later they passed the groups of huts oalled Bogyabeyedom and Mua-wo-ano and came to the Akura Fefeso, which consists of three large huts. The day before the Begoro women had left this place after 10 days’ collecting snails. The men had had to stay in Begoro on account of an investigation into a murder. Prom there after 1 ¾ hours they came to the lake Nanteta, which he describes as famous in Begoro as source of stories about gigantic snakes etc., and a great haunt of game and hunters. Unfortunately the whole lake is overcrowd with grass. At 4.30 they reached the akura Asesewa where one Krobo man introduced himself as the owner of the land. Next day it was 8 hours march to Gyakiti. Towards mid-morning they passed a great open space called Nwanwenenso 1000’ long, on which were growing pineapples. There were a few water-holes to be seen. At the end of this place their way to Gyakiti crossed another going to Odumase. (He gives the dates for the next part of the journey, Gyakiti to Boso, as 8-11 May). In Gyakiti, the chief town of Asuagya or Kyamana (Akwamu on the west of the Volta) they met the chief (Kwame Owuwa), and on the day which Mohr spent resting there Munz and Eisenschmid arrived. There is a detailed description of street preaching that evening. They began by singing ‘Asempa na yeka kyere me se Nyankopon do wiase’. Then since Mohr knew that every day the people has been enraged by the news of judgements given against 5 people by the Akwamuhene (Akoto), he preached on the 10 commandments and forgiveness, ending up with John 3.16. Peter Hall gave an allegorical description of the substitutionary atonement in terms of a slave who was spared from death by the death of the king’son. One hour out of Gyakiti they came to Anyina-ase, where their preaching before the chief was interrupted by the arrival of the fetish priestess from Apirade in Akwapim to re-awaken the local fetish. 40 minutes further on they reached the big farming village Adsawa-Ase, where the whole population was absent, performing a custom at Apatifi (or Astattifi?), from which they passed through the akura Titokuru and in one hour (from Adasawa-Ase) reached the Volta bank at Sawa, where the ‘old and worthy chief' was a worried man until Mohr explained to him that he was a missionary, and no English officer. From there it was a short journey to Pese where they preached again, before the chief whom Mohr `described as the next highest after the Akwamu king. They stayed the night at Apatifi. The next day they made their way to nearby Apaso, and came to the last right-bank village- Awurahae. Of this he says that earlier this must have been an important town. On crossing from there to Dodi he understood why it was that people have sailed up the Volta without seeing the mouth of the Afram - it is concealed by two islands unless you are near the Awurahae bank. It was in Dodi that he heard talk of Panto as an important trading centre, and formed the resolution to go there. Since however, no-one in Dodi knew the way he decided to make for Boso and make further enquiries there. Dodi they found re-built, and with wide streets. He felt in a strange land since only those men, and people who were born in Akwapim understood twi. The rest spoke exclusively guan, and street preaching would have to be carried on in that language. They left Dodi and went through Tosen to Boso, where they found 8 Christians. The people had just rebuilt, the town in a month after- it had been almost completely burnt down, after having heen rebuilt from the Asante war only two years before. He judges it to be no bigger than Begoro - the main street is 300 paces long. (Boso to Panto and back to Peki, 12-18 May). His route was Boso-Parema-To-Tenko – the latter three were big places. Mohr's interpreter Johannes found himself in Parema during the Asante War. This is a great area for oil palms, and when the time is almost come for the harvest the Ada merchants send agents to the villages, who say that in so many weeks the merchant will came with a boat to purchase oil, and indeed from Pese upstream you find many agents, who exchange salt for oil. The well-known Ada Christian Osabute, for example, has a 'shop' opposite from Pese on the Anum side, and takes all the oil from Anum. In To he decided to fork left on the direct route to Panto rather than -going right up the main route through Peki to Panto. That night they slept in Sohae, having passed through no settlements apparently since Tonko. The Sohae chief was Kofi Abro. Next day they passed through a second and larger Sohae, and reached Botoku. Shortly after passing Botoku they passed through Owusuta, the general name for the 8 villages of Oboni, Nyina-ase, Atikwee, Bogyese, Anyaho (a little town), Owa (a big town) Tabota, Ohoto (very big), Gadse. In Obom he had his work cut out to persuade an enraged people that he was not an English officer. The cause of this was that 4 days before the Pefe chief had been found beheaded in Obom, and although the Obom people tried to claim it was suicide there seemed every indication that he had been murdered. The Pefe people had sent a present of spirits to the King in Peki to ask for an investigation, and the Obom people thought that Mohr was the appointed investigator, until he persuaded them otherwise. They spent that night it Ahate, where the view was the farthest reaching and grandest of any he had seen, except for that from Gyampomani. The third day out from Boso they passed by the three Abate villages Agrambu (a hamlet), Beme, and the large village Torome. After 2-3 hours they reached Dsheome (Tweme) which he then discovered was four towns - Kumfa the capital, Gynema between the Volta and – Kumfa, and on the bank of the Volta the two-towns Atekweta and Anwome. In Komfe he was taken to meet the king, who was in the company of a much decorated fetish priest (of Dente) who claimed to be the influence which kept ill-luck out of the town. The latter brought palm-wine in order that Mohr might pour, a libation to his God. From Dsheome-Kumfa he travelled through the other Dsheome towns, and after them travelling north up the Volta came to Nkami. This is the Ada marketplace Nkami, and must be differentiated from the town of Nkami on the opposite shore. The latter is apparently quite isolated on that shore – there are reputed to be no village inland from it. The Ada merchants’ settlement belongs to a Bannerman and in addition to articles of trade deals in slaves. These are brought down from Salaga to this last safe station before entering the colony, and there handed over to particular buyers especially from Krobo. The market occurs every fifth day, falling on the same day as that in Panto. He stayed in Panto only two nights and one day; the day unfortunately not being a market day. Describing the town he says that the main street, although narrows, was 800’ long. Also he speaks of little alleyways - so presumably the town had breadth as well as length. On the day he was there most of the people were involved in their farming till late in the day. However, there was a population of Mohammedans (he saw one priest), living in their own quarter round huts with thatched roofs. He also met a Sierra Leone trader who greeted him in broken English, and people from the colony who were in this region because of debts or their past history. He was also struck by the number of slaves and their heavy burdens, and contemplates the possibility if they had money of buying them up and taking them to form a mission colony. The chief was called Sagadu, he came to a street preaching along with a whole crowd of his townspeople, and Mohr thinks they were much struck by the singing. He saw many oxen in Panto, and many excellent sheep and goats, though horses and donkeys were to be found only in small numbers. He reports that on market day major commodities were salt, European and local cloths, basketware, leatherware (including red-dyed leather) pottery, and especially shea butter. Cowries are the main currency, the silver is also accepted. There is plenty of meat to be bought, also many yams. The route back from Panto lay through Asefe, Okyirife, Sofe to Amfoi. The latter is the biggest African town he has seen in this district. The people make very fine earthenware, part of their secret being that they mix shards ground to dust into the clay they use. From there the road travels through the Tutunya or Tapo villages of Branko, Gyabagte, Pemme, Adomme, and Bako. They spent the night at a lonely farming village, Damme. The next day they travelled through Akyamme, and then through the Axate and NnyeduaSe villages of Toi, Agatee, Woagyi, Pefe and Abrofom. Of these Agatee is the biggest, and several, e.g. Toi and Pefe are in fact two villages only a few hundred yards apart both with the same name. After this group of villages they passed through 2 villages called Atwakae, and then to the Kyibo village of Dafolegame, and Kyibo itself where they spent the night. He remarks how impressive it was to see that these Krepe villages were completely rebuilt and all traces of the Asante war expunged. The only place which was not fully rebuilt was Peki, and the reason for that was among other grudges against the present King. The next day they came to Peki, and met the king whose real name was Nyankamago, although the people know him by the name of his predecessor Kwadwo Odee. While he was away from Mohr at a palaver, he gave him a large stereoscope-box to look into. Mohr was able to address a large gathering including more chiefs than he had ever seen before in one place. The Christians there were in the process of setting up a Christian village for themselves. In Anum the same day he found the Christians there building a Christian village as well, 6 minutes from the heathen town, and 9 minutes from the ruins of the old mission house. (19-27 May – Anum to Begoro) Leaving Anum, they could find neither boat nor boatman at the landing place 'opposite Pese, and were forced to travel through Osei Dako’s Akura to Mmem. Here the chief was not welcoming them although the whole population of the town gathered in the evening to ask questions about his religion. From Mmem he went by canoe to Akwamu. On the journey back through the unfrequented forest country to Begoro, 1/2 hour before reaching Begoro they passed the Akura of the rich man Ntim. He also met, in Akatawia, the deposed Begorohene Fenin. He had been deposed because of his mania for drink and trade. Since living in Akatawia he had teen making money by selling land to the Krobos – earlier the river Peompong was the boundary, but the Krobos had made farms on the other side of the river and then had -bought land on the Begoro side from Tenin. Akatawia consisted of 3-4 houses. After Akatawia they came to Bamana-ase, a large snail collecting Akura, which (this year) since the Begoro people were not able to leave the town on account of the murder had been populated for 4 weeks by people from Kukurantumi and Osiem. After passing Asikesun they came to Nsonso where they spent a night. Topics of anthropological and general interest: Joshua the linguist he explains had been baptised by Süss, later fought under Dompre against the Asantes, and thus knew the area into which Mohr was travelling, and had some acquaintance with the Ewe language. He was in hopes of becoming evangelist. Mohr appears to have had 4 carriers at the beginning of his journey, one with his fieldbed, one with a box of clothes, one with a box of drink, and one with a box of provisions. The latter contained tins of ground coffee, tea, sugar, milk, meat extract, a few tins of preserved soup for emergencies, quinine, rhubarb, epsom salts, cherry brandy as embrocation in case he was frequently wet, sewing things, plates, cutlery, glasses and books for reading. The drink case contained beer and some wine. His rapport with his carriers appears to have been good according to him they were as excited as he was at the prospect of getting to Panto; and there is no talk of difficulties with them. There is an account of the mending of a pot in order to make it waterproof for boiling plantains. This was done by heating the pot, and the covering the faulty area with alternate layers of grated flesh of a green plantains, and ashes. He also notes that taboos applying to a family apply equally to their pots in an Akura belonging to the family of one of his carriers the carrier stopped some other people borrowing a pot in order to cook antelope since antelope was “akyide” (atrocity) to the pot. The disregarding of such fetish taboo is one of the freedoms much prized by the Christians. Dente, and fetish lore. Apart from the reference to Dente in Komfe, Mohr remarks that in all the Krepe villages, about 100 yards from the first house, stands the house of Dente. In Peki the house of the local fetish was severely damaged by white ants, and the 4-6’ high earth mound in which the' fetish was placed, had fallen in. Mohr discusses the phenomenon of the mouth of the fetishes dying (‘obosom ano kum’), this happens often to the fetishes. Especially when a young fetish priest takes over from an old one, and does not knew the dodges and strategies, then he tends to say either that the -questioner has brought something which is unclean to the fetish and thus the fetish does not answer - or alternatively that, simply, he cannot hear the voice of the fetish. The same thing happens if there is too small a gathering of petitioners, or if the priest is not given enough to bite on. Apart from the normal purification processes, the priests if the silence of the fetish continues may seek to ‘sharpen’ it. This is done by either seeking the advice of a shrine in a different district, or going to a senior and respected priest in one’s own district. The process involves the priest of the silent fetish repeating all that has gone on in his own family and in the town, after which advice can be given as to what is needed to revive the voice of the fetish. On the material culture of the districts through which he passed, Mohr comments that he was impressed by the Adum (granaries) of the Akwamu villages – he feels they are very practical, and could be adapted to the of storing of the groundnuts. They display an unusual care over the question of future food supplies. He further remarks that, after leaving his field bed at Gyakiti and collecting it again at- Odumase Krobo on the way home, he was usually able to borrow a cotton or grass-stuffed mattress in the Akwamu villages, but on the left bank of the Volta he had to sleep on the ground. In Krepe country he was impressed by the number of weavers to be seen. He implies that a weaver was to be found under every village shade tree. The cloth was dyed both blue and red. In Agatee he visited a smithery, and although he does not say this, it seems probably that he had never seen a traditional smithery before. He gives a drawing of the bellows system. He also offers information on roads. Between Peki and Panto he had to climb over lot one single tree-trunk – this was a major contrast for him with the situation in Akem. And over the Pompong there was a real bridge, made of two long tree stems elevated over the level of the bank by a wooden framework; onto the two main stems were tied stout sticks to make a pathway (there is no mention of hand-rails). This is the first bridge Mohr has seen made by Africans. On family organisation Mohr noted that while in Akim the married daughters continue to live with their mothers in mmafi, while their husbands live elsewhere in the town, often in groups together with old friends and comrades, in Krepe the husband and wife have their own house and live together. On the content of his preaching information is offered as to the main lines of his message in several places (in addition to note on what was said in Gyakiti). In Anyina-ase he added to his first words some anti-fetish settlement inspired by the presence of the fetish priestess of Apirade. This was mainly along the lines that the fetishes were dumb gods, and that the priestess was both betrayer and betrayed, considering that she lived in a place where it was to hear the message of the true God. In Pese he preached on Acts 17.30 - the general need for penitence, and salvation in Christ. In Apatifi in the presence of a custom for the dead he preached on John 2.25 – the idea that God had not meant men to die, but that sin had caused death, and now in the redemption death had been destroyed for people who believe in Christ. In Boso he preached on Ephesians 6 14-16. In Kumfa he told them that he had a great secret to tell them – the destruction of the effects of sin. In Panto he emphasised that redemption was intended for everyone, slave and master alike especially dwelling on the idea of God’s love for the slave. In Peki he preached that he hoped that with the rebuilding of the town they would take on a new religious allegiance. There is little information on people's reactions to his preaching. There seems to have been no opposition on any scale, apart from the unwillingness of the chief at Mmem to accommodate them, or provide them with a boat for the journey to Akwamu. The only places where an extended account is given of reactions are Botoku and Peki. In the former the chief said that everything Mohr said about God's Word was good and true. But why was he not prepared to live with him and his people? Why were there no missionaries in Peki? If someone wanted to become a Christian in Botoku, who was to teach him? Must they go 3 days’ journey away to Ho? In the latter, after listening to Mohr speak the king said that there was no wicked thought in his heart. Two footnotes: - The party enlivened the way by singing hymns. - Mohr staved off an attack of diarrhoea by taking doses of red wine. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.33.XIV..236 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XIV. - Begoro Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel - Report of a Journey from Begoro to the Hinterland of the Anum Station Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 28.09.1881 Proper date: 28.09.1881 Description An account of the resource There is a printed version of this report in Heidenbote 1882 pp 26ff, which covers the actual visit to Kumasi. Additional material: In talking about the preparations for the journey, Mohr says that Ramseyer had received reports from various people about the route, which had in fact been closed to salt and munition by the English government for some time. In fact just before they were due to set out the news arrived of an agreement between the colonial government and Asante, and it was said that salt was again moving north into Kumasi and could be bought there in the market. They were delayed in setting out because the Abetifihene Kofi Denkyi feared that their visit would be taken as a political gesture of his - the missionaries made it clear that they were going on their own initiative and responsibility, but had recruit carriers from Mpraeso, since Abetifi people were forbidden from going with them. (Mohr explains in outline political situation. in Kwahu, and says that Obo had maintained a secret link with Agogo ‘the most notable town in Eastern Asante). 3 of Mohr’s Begoro carriers also refused to go further out of fright, and he had to recruit new ones. August 23rd from Obo Twenedurase through Zwasihu (where Mohr preached on John 6.37) and stayed the night at Akwaboa. August 24th a hard day’s journey to the first Asante Akim village, Sankore. They failed to get as far as Bompata, their actual objective for the day. A load of foodstuffs was sent from Sankore direct to Obogu for use on the return journey. Bompata they reached after 20 minutes the next .morning. August 25th – passing through Bompata where their preaching was attended by a large crowd, they visited Adomfe, and stayed the night in Kurofa. In the former they found a Fante rascal, one of the ‘bush magistrates’ who function on the order of the Protectorate, settling disputes and being paid for same. Of course he was very pious and warned the people to take the preaching to heart. But the missionaries warned the people aganinst him. In Kurofa they found a young man chained, and after Ramseyer’s intervention, the chief promised to set her free. She had done nothing but she was a citizen of that part of Asante-Akim which was remaining loyal to Asante, and out a pure spirit of revenge she was being made to suffer. When the people repented of the chief's promise the next morning, Mohr told them that this was no way for them to behave if they were trying.to get English protection – and the missionaries promised to try to intercede for Kurofa people imprisoned in the other part of Asante –Akim. August 26th - they preached in Kurofa Ezekiel 33.2., then after a hard hour's march reached Dwansa. The king, a relative of the Asantehene would not see them. Before the Asante-Juaben war this had been the capital of Asante-Akim, but now with its chief, has thrown off the Asante allegiance. They preached, on Col.1.12-13, then after a short march crossed the border into Asante at the river Owere, and a quarter of an hour later came to Domeabra. There they found several Kumase people, recognised by Ramseyer sitting with the chief. The linguist informed them that their visit to Kumasi must be announced to the Asantehene, and they were sending two sword-bearers to Eumasi for this purpose straight away. The missionaries proposed to spend the time of waiting in a visit to Agogo, and a messenger was sent to announce their arrival there as well. Mohr preached later in the day on the subject of the heavenly journey on which one embarks after changing one's character. They found a slave in the block whom they were able to have freed but they could make no way with getting the freedom of 4 people from Kufofa. August 27th - after 2.5 hours they reached Fwereem, from there the 40 minutes long walk to Agogo was along a broad way which had been specially cleaned in their honour. The welcome in Agogo was the most splendid of any they received, other than in Kumasi. As they preached the town they heard on all sides ‘Ao! Sise ni!’ (A pencilled margin refers to ‘4 Years in Asante' and the Asante word for white man being a derivation from Süss’ name) – and Yaw Asamoa the king did his best to receive them in the friendliest possible way. When they went to see the place where the Ramseyers and Kühne had been lodged as prisoners they found the hut fallen in - Mohr remarks that not one of those places has survived. The king showed signs of real alarm when Ramseyer recalled his irons, and had to be assured that Ramseyer bore no grudge on the subject. August 28th - They had hoped that they could make an arrangement to visit Agogo every year in the Harmattan season, but they found that Asamoa was unwilling to contemplate any arrangement on the lines. He affirmed continually that he would live and die for the Asantehene - it appeared that as the farthest chief from Kumase in this direction he was not trusted - so that any visit to him would have to go through the formality of being known to the Asantehene. Nevertheless the secret link between Agogo and Obo was real enough for Mohr and Ramseyer to send their wives letters from Agogo. At a preaching they had almost the whole population to talk to - Mohr reckoned it was about the size of the population of Abetifi. Ramseyer began with Matt 11.26 (Come unto me…), Mohr took Acta 4.2 on the name of Jesus and young teacher Koranteng closed with a short word on Is. 4.22 (The Godless have no peace....). Despite pressing invitation to remain, they insisted that they must leave Agogo that day in order to be in a position to reach the Asokore farms in one day's march, rather than spend a night in the bush. On their return journey they travelled via Twerem, then down to Asantra, where a few people remained, and stayed the night at Wiawoso. August 29th - after they had descended to the Juaben plain they found themselves on a road which brought them in 6 hours to an Asokore farming village, Nyamfa. This was the area of the importanr Asokore Kola nut woods, where the trees are carefully tended. The village where they spent the night was in one such Kola nut wood. August 30th. Asokore was reached after 2 1/41 hours, a place which relatively speaking most Juaben people have returned. Afidwase and the capital Juaben are- still almost totally in ruins, only a few isolated huts have been rebuilt among the ruins. In Asokore they asked for a guide to take them to Totorase the village where the Ramseyer's son Fritz was buried. The previous chief of Totorase - which no longer exists – took them - they located the position of a hut which Ramseyer could remember, and found the banana trees under which the grave been made, but they could find no stone to mark it, and the king had not kept his promise or least not been obeyed. In Asokore they preached on the subject of life being the search for God. They passed through the ruins of Afidwase in ten minutes after leaving Asokore, and came to Juaben. There was a fetish priest there, and a vulnerable old man who took the role of the chief, which is not to say much considering the few people in the town. He said “The Asantehene has placed me here to give strangers fire for their pipes, and the departed-spirits water to drink.” 31st August to 5th September. On their way towards Kumasi on 31st August they met a herald in Bomfa coming to meet them with the two sword-bearers from Domeabra. These brought the news that the Asantehene would meet them on the next Monday at sunset - so they had 5 days in which to wait. They spent the time in the district, preaching as far as, possible. For three days they were based on Asotwe, where Ramseyer renewed his acquaintance with Odogo. They sent another messenger in to the Asantehene urging that he meet them at least on Saturday, but the reply came that this could not be, since they were celebrating the custom of a linguist who died a few days before. Mohr comments that the real reason for the delay was the Asantehene's wish to bring in a large population from the villages around Kumasi in order to make the welcome of important strangers as imposing as possible - it is by this means that white men have been welcomed by a crowd of as many as 20’000. The kings in the Protectorate openly bemoan that they are no longer able to exhibit their majesty on such a scale. From Asotwe they went to a farming-village belonging to the Asantehene, Fomesua, after having passed through and preached in Abankurow and Tikurowni. And on the Sunday, separated in the morning, Mohr going to preach in Nboma-so, and Ramseyer to Koko-bra. On the Monday they went through Osubeng and Nsupow to Kumase. (From here the account is mainly printed). Additional material - that under the shade tree at Dadeso-aba they were the spectators of several .processions of mourners being led, toward the cemetery by fetish priests or priestesses. The market in which they were received was the Dwabirim. The King’s wives' eunuchs were again in evidence and strictly obeyed by the men. The Wesleyan Missionhouse is in ruins. The 'other chief" to whom they had communicated there was Owusu Koko. (The account of the return journey was not printed in Heidenbote). Here was some anxiety about then they would be allowed to leave Kumasi. The Friday was the day of the audience, and on the next Monday the king's present arrived - £8 in gold dusts (plus sundry provisions). And in the end they were assured that they would be able to leave the following Monday. Their carriers felt that they were prisoners – several decamped the Sunday after the audience, though two came back the next day troubled by what their status would be without the missionaries. And Mohr reports that when they did leave the people whom they passed in the streets were surprised that the king had let them go so soon (this seems another of hints that he gives that the population of Kumasi were rather more hostile than Ramseyer portrayed them). The first night they spent at Ayigya, having had difficulty keeping up with the carriers. Next day via Fomesua, where the two ways fork, through Oboankrah, and then a row of fine-looking villages (Kwamo, Krapa, Adweso, Mmerease, Dosebi, Dadentam, Ampedame). In Oboankra they went into the forest to see those great granite blocks - and as well as the giant blocks they found other blocks strewn around in the immediate neighbourhood. They spent the night in an Odumase village (no name) and next day through Konongo to Obogu. They found building in progress in Obogu, and is a neatly laid out town. Although it belongs to Asante Akim it is at the moment independent of Asante Akim, Akim Kotoku and Asante. The background which Mohr gives to this is that several years ago the King was involved in a court-case in Cape Coast, was imprisoned and actually found himself carrying night-soil. He could have been saved by payment of £70, but no-one came to his rescue, .and so, he resolved to cut himself off from his neighbours. Like the rest of Asante Akin he is deterred from pressing too hard to be admitted to the Protectorate, because of his dislike of any idea of slave- and pawn-emancipation. (18th Sep).On the Saturday they crossed the Kome after 2 1/4 hours, and found on its left bank some Kotokus settled. From Praso they left the usual way in order to visit Afosu, a village settled by colonists from Domeabra; in Afosu they met a Christian from Kukurantumi. Then they lost the way and came to an isolated hut built among the ruins of a village - this was Aberem, the village having been destroyed in the war when Gyadam was sacked. From there they reached Ekwae where they held their Sunday services. That day they walked through Asuom (where the people said they would become Christians if the chief told them to) Owiawoso, Tweapeaase, Mpeha, to Bomsu where they spent the night. The party separated there, Ramsyer travelling to Obomeng/Mpraeso via Obomosu, and Mohr going via Tumfa, Kwabeng, Anyinam to Begoro. At Kukubi on the Berem he found a ferry built on the same principles the cable ferries in Europe. The cable was 4 Spanish Canes plaited together, and made fast to trees on the banks, and a strong woodcutter is the motive power. According to reports the two missionaries heard in Kwahu and Begoro, Boakye Tengteng was already returning or about to return to Kumasi- Also, although the quality of the receptionof their preaching is nowhere described in detail, Mohr says early on that the usual thing in an Asante village, during this journey, was for the whole population to turn out for street preaching. The most extended general account of affairs not printed concerns the condition of Asante Akim. He gives the reason for the movement of people from Amantra to Bompata as their wishing to declare themselves independent from Asante. He himself had had to quite re-orientate his idea of the geography of Asante Akim. He had thought that Obogu was the capital and the centre of the district with Amantra to the north. But instead they found Bompata - unknown by name before Brethren Dilger's visit at the centre, and Obogu, though a notable village on the edge of the district. Geographically it is clear that the work in Asante-Akim should be an extension from Kwahu. The Asante-Akim people have put themselves under the authority of Akim Kotoku, and wish, as is known, to put themselves under British protection. This is not surprising – Akims are still fleeing from Asante and settling in the district. Their appeal for a teacher is part of this strategy - they feel they will be safe if the missionaries station a man among them. The seceding towns and villages unfortunately live in enmity with those remaining true to Asante, and though this has not expressed itself in open battle, the trade way is closed (unlike that via Adanse), and many people are kept in chains having found themselves on the wrong side of the border. Many slaves are coming across the border, too, in order to enjoy their freedom in the Protectorate - and thus much money is being lost on, both sides. There are cases too of pawns not wanting to accompany masters into the independent area. On his side the Asantehene is trying to handle the loyal Asante-Akim people as gently as possible - they were in Kumasi a case arose in which an Asante-Akim man who had sworn the King's oath falsely was not put to death. On account of this instability Mohr thinks it would be unwise to station a man in Asante Akim, but the district offers rich opportunities to people conducting preaching tours. Describing the part of Asante Akim remaining under the Asantehene, Mohr lists its towns as Domeabra, Nyabo, Kononmo Twereem, Agogo. From there it is a hard day's march to the Juaben villages. According to the chief in Domeabra that town alone has lost 750 people (to the independent area presumably). Amantra has disappeared, except that the Asantehene has sent several people to settle there again. As an appendix to Mohr’s account is some information about routes: 1. Begoro-Abetifi-Konongo-Kumasi 2. Begoro-Abetifi-Agogo-Kumasi 3. Begoro-Tumfa-Asuum-Obogu-Kumasi Mohr remarks that the 1st route is the least exhausting from Abetifi to Kumasi, and offers the most opportunities for preaching. Route 2 involves two days through thick wood to Agogo, and it is forest again from Agogo to Asokore, small farming villages excepted. And an additional advantage to the first route is that after Oboankra there is a mass of notable villages, while on route 2 you pass through the area of destroyed Juaben villages. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.33.XIV..237 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XIV. - Begoro Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel - The Main Report of the Ramseyer/Mohr Expedition to Kumasi Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 15.05.1882 Proper date: 15.05.1882 Description An account of the resource In describing the background to his journey, he offers two reasons for the outbreak of the war in 1860 - (1) that the Gyadam people were working a new goldfield and would not give Atta of Kibi his customary 1/3 takings. (2) Agyeman refused to let Atta marry one of his woman. Begoro was at the head of the Akira forces in that war - Atta gave the Begorohene money to fight for him. Since Agyeman there have been two Akim Kotoku chiefs - Kwabena Fua and Atta Fua. Süss visited them once in their new home. 4 of the 8 Gyadam christians went to school in Akropong after the war. Present population of Akim Kotoku: Mohr calculates at 20,000, with 2 towns of the first rank, Oda and Akim Swedru. To the North-West the territory of Akira Kotoku stretches out 4 days journey to the neighbourhood of Obogu. First day - Kibi to Dompem, a farming village, on the West side of the Akim hills, Mohr describes himself as very weak, having to rest 40, 60, and 80 minutes out of Kibi. Second day – Dompen-Apiraman (4 hours). Half way between these two villages is Abohema, deserted when he was there, but occupied by the Akropong and Tekyiman when they come to dig for gold in the quiet seasons for agriculture. Third day - Apiraman to Kade. He decided not to go by the direct route Apiraman-Akanten-Osenaase-Omansi in order to see more places. On this day passed a deserted Topreman, then a newly settled village of the same name, then Boadua. Here a road leads south via Akwatia to Osenaase, where it branches to Asamankese or Omansu. This was a bad day's journey - 4 times crossing the Mmo river, once the Suboan, and once the Berem between Adankorno and Kade. Fourth day - Sunday 5th Feb - rest day at Kade. His plans to take a service were interrupted by the yam festival, held very late everywhere in Akim that year. There was great commotion even when he tried to preach. Fifth day, Kade-Wankyi. Sixth day - Wankyi, Denkyerat-ko-so, Kasawere, Oda. In Wankyi he remarks that people are interested in the gospel, but in this remote part of Akins there is still much house slavery. No-one is there helping slaves to go to law, or to escape. And in any case where could the stranger slaves go since they do not speak twi? And where should they go if they want to become Christians? Even if the masters were persuaded to free Christian slaves, unless there were a teacher or catechist present that probably would not happen. They crossed the Berem at Denkyera-ko-so a partly submerged tree trunk. Mohr contrasts the quiet and dignified welcome in Oda with that in Kumasi. Atta Fua said he did not mind his people becoming Christian, but as for him - no. Mohr gathered that Kotoku sees very few white men - then only DCs and other officers en route for Kibi. Mohr remarks that the ways in Kotoku are notably clean, due to the occasional presence of English officers. In Oda is an old town, with the houses very close together, and a new town. The chief's house is in the middle of the latter. The main street of the new town is 3 minutes long - it takes 5 minutes to cross the old town. These two big towns reminded him of Kpandu and Amfoi. Atta Fua wanted to know if he had brought with him any fine silk handkerchiefs, like those Süss had to sell, and made a formal request for a teacher. Seventh or eighth day. Oda-Swedru-Akyease. In Swedru the chief is Kofi Ahenkora older than Atta Fua, and there is some opposition between them. 20 years ago Silas and Kofi Ahenkora had agreed on the place for a mission station. The chief's house was a two storey building, furnished with English easy chairs, and there was an album of photos of the English royal family given to the chief by Captain Butler. Although the town is not so big as Begoro there were several other 2 storey buildings with grass roofs - fante carpenters and builders are employed in this district. (Mohr comments rather bitterly on Captain Butler having written a book after such a short stay, and having had to work through an interpreter. According to him Captain Butler’s revolver seems to have bulked large in the Kotoku history of his stay.) He preached on Mark 1.15 and was much questioned about Christianity, especially about the regulations as to what Christians may or may not do. He spent the night at Akyease. Kotoku's oil produce goes through Akyease to ‘Akyemfo or Saltpond'. The villages under Akyease are Osoroase and Kokobesi; near the former is Kotoku Anyinam. None of these are notable, but Anammease is a large place. Next day, Akyease-Omanso. Great receptivity to preaching, great dissatisfaction with foreign fetish priests. In reply for a request for more information he referred the questioner to the 10 Commandments. Near Omanso is a Mmosea-so, and 13 hours away Batabi, same size as Omanso. Next day, Omanso-(after ½ hour)-Asubea (1 hour) Asantema (new place) Akoreso, where he stayed the night in a two storey house built by someone long in Fante. Next day going ‘home’ - first passed through an unnamed settlement 'where oil is made', and after 13 hours to Asamankese, the farthest outstation of Kibis where he received news of his daughter's death; hence back as rapidly as possible. General Comments include the point that in Kotoku there is excellent clay, why not a tile industry? Using a river like the Densu they could easily supply the Accra and Akwapim market for roofing and undercut shinglew and iron. There are similar clay deposits at Dwenase and Tafo (Akim Tafo). Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.35.V..79 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.35 - Ghana 1882: D-01.35.V. - Begoro Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Basel: Report on a journey to Akim Kotoku Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 28.10.1879 Proper date: 28.10.1879 Description An account of the resource Concerning the out-station at Anyinam and the first baptisms there. A fairly big town, made bigger recently by the settlement of Juaben people around it. Judging by the head tax which Atta decided to raise last year, the number of inhabitants must be 1500. Hundreds of Kwahu people pass through Anyinam en route for the coast. The inhabitants partly earn their living by selling provisions to these people, although they also dig gold, and that is their chief business. Their gold fields are not as rich as those of Osino and Samang, but they are sufficient to provide for the needs of the town. (He also describes the Berem crossing - Mrs Lodholz was held up there for 4 days in July en route for Abetifi - also, hemmed in as the town is by hills, it is rather hot). Before the Kotoku people were driven away from Gyadam, the Anyinam people lived on a pretty hill the other side of the Berem. After the war they were commanded to come to this side by the distrustful Kibi king, and forced to pay heavily because like Kwabeng, in that war, although they did not fight on the sidd of Agyeman, neither did they join the Kibi king. Since then Anyinam has enjoyed a special - if not pleasant - care from the king in Kibi. During the Asante war the Anyinam people had a secret collaboration with the Kwahu people, for they were selling them salt. Thereon the Kibi king called the whole town to Kibi - the elders however demurred on the grounds that too few of them would be allowed to return, and paid instead a large sum of money. The King in Kibi in the last three years has received no less than 2000 dollars from this one town, and since they seldom or never have ready cash, they have had to pawn large numbers of for 4-8 £ sterling each. Even now the town is full of lackeys from Kibi whose duty it is to get the money for the king's oath, and the poor people are bitter about the bloodsucker of Kibi. Mohr draws a contrast between the religions position in Begoro and Anyinam. In Begoro there are 30 fetishes – in Anyinam only one, Tano. Many foods are forbidden to the Begoro people including the flesh of certain antelopes and certain monkeys, and they are forbidden from keeping either pigs, goats, or dogs. In Anyinam there are no agricultural or eating prohibitions. The Begoro people even bring in fetish priests from other places to prophesy. The heathen often say the Begoro people love the words of the fetishes too much. The Juabens in Anyinam have certain prohibitions, but make an exception when they are hungry. There is no prohibition on fishing in the Berem in Anyinam as there is in neighbouring Osino. Despite this comparative freedom (from the institutions of fetishism), the first Christians have had a hard battle. Their constant travelling to and from Fankyeneko displeased the people of Anyinam and they tried to dissuade them from becoming Christians by threatening to fine them on this account although catechist Obeng was able to persuade the chief against this, and Mohr himself arriving two days later warned him that if the king mishandled peaceful townsmen in this way he would seek for them protection from the government in Accra. The grounds of the heathen worry was the thought that these conversions were an unnecessary and unseemly break with the traditions handed down, and that it would necessarily follow that in its anger the fetish would visit the town with deaths. Was not this town as populous as others; why then was it necessarily to go elsewhere? Thus the Christians were still subject to taunts when they learned to read, or when on Sunday they started to wear European style clothes. Neverthelss many people wanted to become Christians to escape from the clutches of the avaricious heathen. Indeed many people believe that from the moment of being accepted, into the Christian community one is protected against the king’s paths, against expenditure in spirit-drinking, and adultery fines. The baptisms were celebrated in the open street in Anyinam, and to each one Mohr said the Pauline formula about baptism leading to the development of a new person. The single marriage was blessed in the chapel at Begoro. Baptismal candidate biographies: Jacob Pong, Maria Pong; He is about 35, they have been married one year. He was penitent about his previous lewd life, which had led him into many debts. He was the only surviving of the eleven children born to his mother - an aged but still vigorous lady. Two of her children had been executed in Gyadam, the rest taken from her by illness. She complained of the debts which her foolish son had incurred and which she had paid off out of the results of her own work. Little is said about the wife except that she was the more intelligent of the two, and seemed to be the leader. Joseph Tenkorang; had previously worked as a collector of money for the Kibi king. His business was to handle cases where money was owing, if necessary calling on force to gain his ends. He gives the impression of being a kindly and honourable man, and it was on account of this that he gave up his duties, which involved bringing so many people into poverty. He was now in trouble with the King in Kibi for resisting his inducements to return there, and for that reason dare not go to Kibi. He has given up one of his wives, and is happy, (in baptism) to have escaped the vengeance of the lion of Kibi. Johannes Kani; a big stocky man, previously the bomma drummer. He said that previously he had with his drum forced many people into debts, or else out of the town, and during the festivals he drummed in praise of the town's gods. He decided to become a Christian because he got too drunk at the festivals. His child Frida was also baptised; she had been despaired of by the fetish priests, but Mohr hopes she may in time mend. Jonathan Aperaku; in his youth was pawned away to someone living in Gyadam. At the outbreak of the war between Gyadam and Kibi he like the other non-Gyadam pawns was put in the block’s a hostages (there were 15 of them). 6 were executed after the first battle, and the rest when it was decided to remove from Gyadam, except that his master pleaded for his life, and so he was spared. He then went on the trek to Nsuayeem. It was only 5 years later that he was able to return to Anyinam. He is now about 45. In conclusion Mohr notes that some of the early opposition to the conversions may have come from the fact that two of the converts had an important place in the rituals of the Anyinan fetish. Not only was Johannes Kani an important drummer, Jacob Pong was the 'carrier' of the fetish Tano when it went with the chiefly stools of Anyinam on their journey to the river to be washed, and was itself washed by the priest. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.31.XIV..161 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.31 - Ghana 1879: D-01.31.XIV. - Begoro Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Begoro Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Date early: 03.11.1879 Proper date: 03.11.1879 Description An account of the resource Writes as Praeses of the Mission in Akwapim/Akim. Reporting the 'fall' of Teacher Adu in Begoro. For several months he had apparently been involved in sexual relations with two Christian girls, neither of whom knew the other was involved - nor did his wife become aware of what was afoot. All four were living on the station. Adu and the two girls were expelled from the Christian community. Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context D-01.31.XIV..158 Subject The topic of the resource [Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.31 - Ghana 1879: D-01.31.XIV. - Begoro Title A name given to the resource Mohr to Eisenschmid