[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XV. - Abetifi
Reporting his presence in Aburi and the fact that for several months they had heard in Abetifi rumours that the Asantes were buying up arms and ammunition - he mentions Snyder rifles specifically - but that at the moment when letters come to him from Buhl and Eisenschmid advising their evacuation from Abetifi in view of the likelihood of war Kwahu was peaceful. However in view of the fact that his wife was unable to walk any distance Ramseyer felt that it was his responsibility to take his wife away from the station while they could easily got carriers. Dilger was already at Begoro for a short holiday. He obviously feels that rumours are endemic in Akan society, although he places some credence in the idea that some Kwahu chiefs are keen to restore links with Asante (partly to restore their lost prestige, and partly in order to be again empowered to execute the death penalty). However the 'young veople' comprising 2/3 of the population, are against them. Providing the changeover did not happen after a war, he is quite prepared to see Kwahu come under Asante rule, and does not think it would harm their work.
Draft Proposal by Ramseyer to the Africa General Conference (i.e. Conference of Gold Coast Missionaries) with Commentary
The proposal is that they should suggest to the Basel Committee an immediate attempt at a mission settlement in Kumasi. In his commentary he recites grounds for attempting this, adding that the Buck/Huppenbauer expedition indicates that the Asantes would probably agree to a request to let the Basel Mission take up work in the town. True no decided answer was given to Buck and Huppenbauer when they asked this question, but this is in itself a hopeful sign especially when seen in conjunction with the fact that they were themselves allowed to preach as and where they wanted. That Picot's request for permission was refused is not surprising - it was not intelligent of him to ask for permission to come and baptise people. To the Asantes, who do not understand what missionary work is about, to ask as he did for permission to baptise is to ask to come and make English eubjecte of young Asantes. Certainly the Kumasi people have not asked for a missionary station - but that is after all not to be expected, and the Asante-Akin people who have asked for one are motivated by political considerations. One argument which he advances in a little more detail than before concerns the importance of a presence in Kumasi for the protection of the Abetifi station. The Kwahus he says have asked recently for British protection, and they are under no illusions as to what an Asante attack would mean for them if they were beaten and without British protection. They cannot wait long before coming to a decision and some will go to join the Asantes, and some south into the Protectorate. If Abetifi comes under Asante control again it will make a lot of difference to its fate if the mission already has friendly relations with the Asantehene through the establishment of a mission in Kumasi.
Concerning the proposed settlement at Kumasi. Recites the reasons for this step which he set out in the commentary to his proposal (No 243 above). His forecasts concerning the future trend of Kwahu politics is still written in a positive way – ‘it is always possible that’ - adding that the repeated refusals by the British government to do anything about the Kwahu application to be included in the Protectorate is causing restiveness. The latest case of this was in February, when an embassy sent to Accra came back with nothing but the proclamation of Rowe's being appointed Governor. He now has further grounds for thinking that this is the time to go forward in this direction. David Asante has heard from a minor Asante chief who stayed with him, and who in his turn heard it from the Asante ambassador recently in Cape Coast (Boakye Tenten, the step-father of the king) that the Asantehene has asked the Governor for a mission or missionaries. This Ramseyer thinks the final evidence that the time is ripe. Much of the letter further discussion of the financing of a Kumasi mission - Ramseyer proposing a cheap mission house, and pointing out how questionable a decision it was to build the Begoro stations out of Asante Mission funds. He is alarmed about reports that the Kibi station is thinking of staring a new full-scale station in Anum - surely another Asante station should come before another Akim station. A postscript (after tough bargaining with the Mpraeso chief that lasted for several weeks – see No 258 above), the Mpraeso land has been bought and the Abetifi people are sawing timber for it, and making shingles
[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XIV. - Begoro
Concerning the personnel of the station, at the time of writing, the station staff included Chr. Burckhardt. Sakyi is still listed as a catechist. There is in this report a list of the 77 places in Akim Abuakwa which lie in the Kibi mission area. Only three places are listed as Juaben villages - Koforidua, Asokore, and Owoko. The map is part of his argument that the area of the Begoro station ought to be extended to take over some of the responsibilities of the Kibi station. In the bulk of the report he says firstly that positive belief in the fetishes is declining - two fetishes were actually brought to him during the course of the year by their owners who had no further use for them. But Christianity demands too much for many of them: For example, the Begoro people have a number of public festivals in which dancing plays an important part, which are led by 'clubs', and it is very difficult for people to break away from them. Another problem is the older people, who do not want to be left with no-one to make custom for them after their deaths (He mentions in this conection specifically many young men). The fetish priests have also been damaged in their authority by a series of deaths occurring in Begoro town which were not matched on the mission station. Many people are now living god-less as a result. Several old people, and several women, are among the roll of the newly baptised, and there are now 6 blessed marriages and the first new Christian marriage is shortly to be .celebrated. There is still difficulty about getting unmarried Christian men wives, however, The Begoro girls want to be wooed in the traditional way, and a search for wives among the Christian communities of Akwapim and Kukurantumi has born no results. Sunday services are very satisfactorily attended, and so are street preachings by the heathen. They have been less successful getting adult Christians to go to a weekly evening school – they are finding it difficult to get any results teaching adults who are not used to this kind of learning. The school for children has still not made much headway. It had 5 pupils, of whom only 1 was Christian boy. Girls they cannot get to come to school at all. The reason is the parents' use of the children - girls to mind the younger ones, and boys especially to help collect snails and gum-copal in the forest. However Mrs Mohr has started a children’s Sunday School, which is going well, after which they play games. There are now enough children on the station for them to go about together, and visit the town less. Reporting on the outstations, the decline in numbers in Fankyeneko is mostly due to people moving away (9 cases), one adult death, and a Christian boy being persuaded away by his mother. In Anyinam, all the Christians are gathered on the station. A school has been practicable in neither place, in the latter because no Christian child of school age exists, in the former because the parents want the children to work for them.
Munz' Report for the First Quarter of 1881
His work at the Begoro station involves mostly language study, but he also helps Mohr sometimes in his farming. One problem for every missionary; is to find a balance between the natural withdrawal from the importunateness of Africans, and the need for an outward-going love of them. He offers a brief account of a journey from Begoro to Abetifi and back with a party of part Christian and part heathen carriers. The foreman seems to have been one Joshua of Fankyeneko. While there does not seem to have been anything of the rebelliousness characterising the relations between missionaries and carriers in Akim in the 1860s, the Christian carriers were not completely meek and submissive - lobbying for extra pay during the stay in Abetifi etc, although in the end accepting a much lower gift from Munz than they had tried to get him to pay them as wages.
Mohr's Report for the First Quarter 1881
Concerned exclusively with Fankyeneko and Anyinam, raising yet again the question of the style appropriate for catechist’s houses, and the problem of payment for them. He feels that after their schooling when they were housed in airy rooms, care should be taken over the kind of houses in which catechists are asked to live. Also it is of use to the missionaries to have a house where they can rest, and where they can talk privately to the catechist or to individual Christians. He describes the decline of the Fankyeneko community in some detail. One of the problems was that the house collapsed during a rain storm when partly built, which made the building so much more onerous. Then two of the adult men left on a trading expedition, one to Akwapim, the other to Fante. This left only 4 men capable of working on the house. The man who went to Akwapim came back (it seems within six months) but had to be excluded for having lived as a heathen while in Akwapim, and marrying a prostitute on his return. The man who went to Fante - Emil, the strongest and most intelligent of the Christians, whom Mohr had looked forward to having as an elder - had lapsed into dancing and playing during his journey, and although had has a wife with whom he seems happy in Fankyeneko, he lived with a heathen girl while he was away. He himself offered this information in the idea of escaping public exclusion from the community. Over Anyinam he is almost enthusiastic. The Christians have by themselves built a catechists house with a room for passing missionaries, and have moved themselves onto the mission land. There are 7 husband-wife units living, there – and although in only two cases are both husband and wife Christians, the other wives are showing signs of wanting to follow their husbands into baptism. Among the newly baptised are several slaves from the interior. Until now they had been afraid to break free of their master, an old blind prince. But last year one of them was ill-treated, and fled to the catechist who restrained the cruel man from going to extremes, and the rest claimed their freedom and came onto the station. It is difficult to teach them, since they speak twi so badly, but it is good news to them that God's love and mercy is for them as well as the Akims. There have, however, been some difficulties in Anyinam. A mother of three children, who was widowed, has insisted on marrying a heathen, and thus has been excluded. And the oldest of the Christians has also had to be excluded from Holy Communion through irregularities when he went to the coast to trade. He hoped to earn by involving himself in the oil trade in Akwapim and went away in spite of the fact that his neighbours were involved in house-building on the mission land. He came under no Christian influence in the Akwapim farming villages, and at one stage tried to increase his earning by mixing water with the palm-oil. He was repeatedly ill, and now has returned poorer than he went away
Mohr to Basel - Report of a Journey from Begoro to the Hinterland of the Anum Station
The report begins with a five page introduction about preparations and travelling techniques. Leaving Begoro he remarks that there is a pond in the course of the river Osubeng near the town, which is accounted a fetish - women pray to it for children, and it is also the water in which the stools and fetishes are washed, and where the bereaved have to purify themselves. He comments on the Akura that they found by the way that they are light houses built of materials easy to find in the woods, and lived in by farmers or hunters or snail gathered for part of the year. The ‘traditional hospital' is often a grouping of such houses - people often live through long illnesses in the forest. This is partly because of the fear that in the town ill-wishing neighbours would be able to interrupt one's recovery, or inflict a further illness. They passed on the first day an Akura called Oboro-Ahohoo (he cudgeled the strangers), where they met 4 men from Gyakiti. These people knew that there was a white man in Anum who planned to travel through Gyakiti to Begoro, and that there was a white man from Akropong with him. (These were the missionaries Munz and Eisenschmid). Aboroahohoo was 5 hours from Begoro: as in all such places they were able to find an old pot for cooking, and a mortar for making fufu. Next day after two or three hours they came to Kokone Mountain, which Mohr says was once inhabited by the Krobos, until troubles with the Akems persuaded them to move to Krobo Mountain. Two hours later they passed the groups of huts oalled Bogyabeyedom and Mua-wo-ano and came to the Akura Fefeso, which consists of three large huts. The day before the Begoro women had left this place after 10 days’ collecting snails. The men had had to stay in Begoro on account of an investigation into a murder. Prom there after 1 ¾ hours they came to the lake Nanteta, which he describes as famous in Begoro as source of stories about gigantic snakes etc., and a great haunt of game and hunters. Unfortunately the whole lake is overcrowd with grass. At 4.30 they reached the akura Asesewa where one Krobo man introduced himself as the owner of the land. Next day it was 8 hours march to Gyakiti. Towards mid-morning they passed a great open space called Nwanwenenso 1000’ long, on which were growing pineapples. There were a few water-holes to be seen. At the end of this place their way to Gyakiti crossed another going to Odumase. (He gives the dates for the next part of the journey, Gyakiti to Boso, as 8-11 May). In Gyakiti, the chief town of Asuagya or Kyamana (Akwamu on the west of the Volta) they met the chief (Kwame Owuwa), and on the day which Mohr spent resting there Munz and Eisenschmid arrived. There is a detailed description of street preaching that evening. They began by singing ‘Asempa na yeka kyere me se Nyankopon do wiase’. Then since Mohr knew that every day the people has been enraged by the news of judgements given against 5 people by the Akwamuhene (Akoto), he preached on the 10 commandments and forgiveness, ending up with John 3.16. Peter Hall gave an allegorical description of the substitutionary atonement in terms of a slave who was spared from death by the death of the king’son. One hour out of Gyakiti they came to Anyina-ase, where their preaching before the chief was interrupted by the arrival of the fetish priestess from Apirade in Akwapim to re-awaken the local fetish. 40 minutes further on they reached the big farming village Adsawa-Ase, where the whole population was absent, performing a custom at Apatifi (or Astattifi?), from which they passed through the akura Titokuru and in one hour (from Adasawa-Ase) reached the Volta bank at Sawa, where the ‘old and worthy chief' was a worried man until Mohr explained to him that he was a missionary, and no English officer. From there it was a short journey to Pese where they preached again, before the chief whom Mohr `described as the next highest after the Akwamu king. They stayed the night at Apatifi. The next day they made their way to nearby Apaso, and came to the last right-bank village- Awurahae. Of this he says that earlier this must have been an important town. On crossing from there to Dodi he understood why it was that people have sailed up the Volta without seeing the mouth of the Afram - it is concealed by two islands unless you are near the Awurahae bank. It was in Dodi that he heard talk of Panto as an important trading centre, and formed the resolution to go there. Since however, no-one in Dodi knew the way he decided to make for Boso and make further enquiries there. Dodi they found re-built, and with wide streets. He felt in a strange land since only those men, and people who were born in Akwapim understood twi. The rest spoke exclusively guan, and street preaching would have to be carried on in that language. They left Dodi and went through Tosen to Boso, where they found 8 Christians. The people had just rebuilt, the town in a month after- it had been almost completely burnt down, after having heen rebuilt from the Asante war only two years before. He judges it to be no bigger than Begoro - the main street is 300 paces long. (Boso to Panto and back to Peki, 12-18 May). His route was Boso-Parema-To-Tenko – the latter three were big places. Mohr's interpreter Johannes found himself in Parema during the Asante War. This is a great area for oil palms, and when the time is almost come for the harvest the Ada merchants send agents to the villages, who say that in so many weeks the merchant will came with a boat to purchase oil, and indeed from Pese upstream you find many agents, who exchange salt for oil. The well-known Ada Christian Osabute, for example, has a 'shop' opposite from Pese on the Anum side, and takes all the oil from Anum. In To he decided to fork left on the direct route to Panto rather than -going right up the main route through Peki to Panto. That night they slept in Sohae, having passed through no settlements apparently since Tonko. The Sohae chief was Kofi Abro. Next day they passed through a second and larger Sohae, and reached Botoku. Shortly after passing Botoku they passed through Owusuta, the general name for the 8 villages of Oboni, Nyina-ase, Atikwee, Bogyese, Anyaho (a little town), Owa (a big town) Tabota, Ohoto (very big), Gadse. In Obom he had his work cut out to persuade an enraged people that he was not an English officer. The cause of this was that 4 days before the Pefe chief had been found beheaded in Obom, and although the Obom people tried to claim it was suicide there seemed every indication that he had been murdered. The Pefe people had sent a present of spirits to the King in Peki to ask for an investigation, and the Obom people thought that Mohr was the appointed investigator, until he persuaded them otherwise. They spent that night it Ahate, where the view was the farthest reaching and grandest of any he had seen, except for that from Gyampomani. The third day out from Boso they passed by the three Abate villages Agrambu (a hamlet), Beme, and the large village Torome. After 2-3 hours they reached Dsheome (Tweme) which he then discovered was four towns - Kumfa the capital, Gynema between the Volta and – Kumfa, and on the bank of the Volta the two-towns Atekweta and Anwome. In Komfe he was taken to meet the king, who was in the company of a much decorated fetish priest (of Dente) who claimed to be the influence which kept ill-luck out of the town. The latter brought palm-wine in order that Mohr might pour, a libation to his God. From Dsheome-Kumfa he travelled through the other Dsheome towns, and after them travelling north up the Volta came to Nkami. This is the Ada marketplace Nkami, and must be differentiated from the town of Nkami on the opposite shore. The latter is apparently quite isolated on that shore – there are reputed to be no village inland from it. The Ada merchants’ settlement belongs to a Bannerman and in addition to articles of trade deals in slaves. These are brought down from Salaga to this last safe station before entering the colony, and there handed over to particular buyers especially from Krobo. The market occurs every fifth day, falling on the same day as that in Panto. He stayed in Panto only two nights and one day; the day unfortunately not being a market day. Describing the town he says that the main street, although narrows, was 800’ long. Also he speaks of little alleyways - so presumably the town had breadth as well as length. On the day he was there most of the people were involved in their farming till late in the day. However, there was a population of Mohammedans (he saw one priest), living in their own quarter round huts with thatched roofs. He also met a Sierra Leone trader who greeted him in broken English, and people from the colony who were in this region because of debts or their past history. He was also struck by the number of slaves and their heavy burdens, and contemplates the possibility if they had money of buying them up and taking them to form a mission colony. The chief was called Sagadu, he came to a street preaching along with a whole crowd of his townspeople, and Mohr thinks they were much struck by the singing. He saw many oxen in Panto, and many excellent sheep and goats, though horses and donkeys were to be found only in small numbers. He reports that on market day major commodities were salt, European and local cloths, basketware, leatherware (including red-dyed leather) pottery, and especially shea butter. Cowries are the main currency, the silver is also accepted. There is plenty of meat to be bought, also many yams. The route back from Panto lay through Asefe, Okyirife, Sofe to Amfoi. The latter is the biggest African town he has seen in this district. The people make very fine earthenware, part of their secret being that they mix shards ground to dust into the clay they use. From there the road travels through the Tutunya or Tapo villages of Branko, Gyabagte, Pemme, Adomme, and Bako. They spent the night at a lonely farming village, Damme. The next day they travelled through Akyamme, and then through the Axate and NnyeduaSe villages of Toi, Agatee, Woagyi, Pefe and Abrofom. Of these Agatee is the biggest, and several, e.g. Toi and Pefe are in fact two villages only a few hundred yards apart both with the same name. After this group of villages they passed through 2 villages called Atwakae, and then to the Kyibo village of Dafolegame, and Kyibo itself where they spent the night. He remarks how impressive it was to see that these Krepe villages were completely rebuilt and all traces of the Asante war expunged. The only place which was not fully rebuilt was Peki, and the reason for that was among other grudges against the present King. The next day they came to Peki, and met the king whose real name was Nyankamago, although the people know him by the name of his predecessor Kwadwo Odee. While he was away from Mohr at a palaver, he gave him a large stereoscope-box to look into. Mohr was able to address a large gathering including more chiefs than he had ever seen before in one place. The Christians there were in the process of setting up a Christian village for themselves. In Anum the same day he found the Christians there building a Christian village as well, 6 minutes from the heathen town, and 9 minutes from the ruins of the old mission house. (19-27 May – Anum to Begoro) Leaving Anum, they could find neither boat nor boatman at the landing place 'opposite Pese, and were forced to travel through Osei Dako’s Akura to Mmem. Here the chief was not welcoming them although the whole population of the town gathered in the evening to ask questions about his religion. From Mmem he went by canoe to Akwamu. On the journey back through the unfrequented forest country to Begoro, 1/2 hour before reaching Begoro they passed the Akura of the rich man Ntim. He also met, in Akatawia, the deposed Begorohene Fenin. He had been deposed because of his mania for drink and trade. Since living in Akatawia he had teen making money by selling land to the Krobos – earlier the river Peompong was the boundary, but the Krobos had made farms on the other side of the river and then had -bought land on the Begoro side from Tenin. Akatawia consisted of 3-4 houses. After Akatawia they came to Bamana-ase, a large snail collecting Akura, which (this year) since the Begoro people were not able to leave the town on account of the murder had been populated for 4 weeks by people from Kukurantumi and Osiem. After passing Asikesun they came to Nsonso where they spent a night. Topics of anthropological and general interest: Joshua the linguist he explains had been baptised by Süss, later fought under Dompre against the Asantes, and thus knew the area into which Mohr was travelling, and had some acquaintance with the Ewe language. He was in hopes of becoming evangelist. Mohr appears to have had 4 carriers at the beginning of his journey, one with his fieldbed, one with a box of clothes, one with a box of drink, and one with a box of provisions. The latter contained tins of ground coffee, tea, sugar, milk, meat extract, a few tins of preserved soup for emergencies, quinine, rhubarb, epsom salts, cherry brandy as embrocation in case he was frequently wet, sewing things, plates, cutlery, glasses and books for reading. The drink case contained beer and some wine. His rapport with his carriers appears to have been good according to him they were as excited as he was at the prospect of getting to Panto; and there is no talk of difficulties with them. There is an account of the mending of a pot in order to make it waterproof for boiling plantains. This was done by heating the pot, and the covering the faulty area with alternate layers of grated flesh of a green plantains, and ashes. He also notes that taboos applying to a family apply equally to their pots in an Akura belonging to the family of one of his carriers the carrier stopped some other people borrowing a pot in order to cook antelope since antelope was “akyide” (atrocity) to the pot. The disregarding of such fetish taboo is one of the freedoms much prized by the Christians. Dente, and fetish lore. Apart from the reference to Dente in Komfe, Mohr remarks that in all the Krepe villages, about 100 yards from the first house, stands the house of Dente. In Peki the house of the local fetish was severely damaged by white ants, and the 4-6’ high earth mound in which the' fetish was placed, had fallen in. Mohr discusses the phenomenon of the mouth of the fetishes dying (‘obosom ano kum’), this happens often to the fetishes. Especially when a young fetish priest takes over from an old one, and does not knew the dodges and strategies, then he tends to say either that the -questioner has brought something which is unclean to the fetish and thus the fetish does not answer - or alternatively that, simply, he cannot hear the voice of the fetish. The same thing happens if there is too small a gathering of petitioners, or if the priest is not given enough to bite on. Apart from the normal purification processes, the priests if the silence of the fetish continues may seek to ‘sharpen’ it. This is done by either seeking the advice of a shrine in a different district, or going to a senior and respected priest in one’s own district. The process involves the priest of the silent fetish repeating all that has gone on in his own family and in the town, after which advice can be given as to what is needed to revive the voice of the fetish. On the material culture of the districts through which he passed, Mohr comments that he was impressed by the Adum (granaries) of the Akwamu villages – he feels they are very practical, and could be adapted to the of storing of the groundnuts. They display an unusual care over the question of future food supplies. He further remarks that, after leaving his field bed at Gyakiti and collecting it again at- Odumase Krobo on the way home, he was usually able to borrow a cotton or grass-stuffed mattress in the Akwamu villages, but on the left bank of the Volta he had to sleep on the ground. In Krepe country he was impressed by the number of weavers to be seen. He implies that a weaver was to be found under every village shade tree. The cloth was dyed both blue and red. In Agatee he visited a smithery, and although he does not say this, it seems probably that he had never seen a traditional smithery before. He gives a drawing of the bellows system. He also offers information on roads. Between Peki and Panto he had to climb over lot one single tree-trunk – this was a major contrast for him with the situation in Akem. And over the Pompong there was a real bridge, made of two long tree stems elevated over the level of the bank by a wooden framework; onto the two main stems were tied stout sticks to make a pathway (there is no mention of hand-rails). This is the first bridge Mohr has seen made by Africans. On family organisation Mohr noted that while in Akim the married daughters continue to live with their mothers in mmafi, while their husbands live elsewhere in the town, often in groups together with old friends and comrades, in Krepe the husband and wife have their own house and live together. On the content of his preaching information is offered as to the main lines of his message in several places (in addition to note on what was said in Gyakiti). In Anyina-ase he added to his first words some anti-fetish settlement inspired by the presence of the fetish priestess of Apirade. This was mainly along the lines that the fetishes were dumb gods, and that the priestess was both betrayer and betrayed, considering that she lived in a place where it was to hear the message of the true God. In Pese he preached on Acts 17.30 - the general need for penitence, and salvation in Christ. In Apatifi in the presence of a custom for the dead he preached on John 2.25 – the idea that God had not meant men to die, but that sin had caused death, and now in the redemption death had been destroyed for people who believe in Christ. In Boso he preached on Ephesians 6 14-16. In Kumfa he told them that he had a great secret to tell them – the destruction of the effects of sin. In Panto he emphasised that redemption was intended for everyone, slave and master alike especially dwelling on the idea of God’s love for the slave. In Peki he preached that he hoped that with the rebuilding of the town they would take on a new religious allegiance. There is little information on people's reactions to his preaching. There seems to have been no opposition on any scale, apart from the unwillingness of the chief at Mmem to accommodate them, or provide them with a boat for the journey to Akwamu. The only places where an extended account is given of reactions are Botoku and Peki. In the former the chief said that everything Mohr said about God's Word was good and true. But why was he not prepared to live with him and his people? Why were there no missionaries in Peki? If someone wanted to become a Christian in Botoku, who was to teach him? Must they go 3 days’ journey away to Ho? In the latter, after listening to Mohr speak the king said that there was no wicked thought in his heart. Two footnotes: - The party enlivened the way by singing hymns. - Mohr staved off an attack of diarrhoea by taking doses of red wine.
Mohr to Basel - The Main Report of the Ramseyer/Mohr Expedition to Kumasi
There is a printed version of this report in Heidenbote 1882 pp 26ff, which covers the actual visit to Kumasi. Additional material: In talking about the preparations for the journey, Mohr says that Ramseyer had received reports from various people about the route, which had in fact been closed to salt and munition by the English government for some time. In fact just before they were due to set out the news arrived of an agreement between the colonial government and Asante, and it was said that salt was again moving north into Kumasi and could be bought there in the market. They were delayed in setting out because the Abetifihene Kofi Denkyi feared that their visit would be taken as a political gesture of his - the missionaries made it clear that they were going on their own initiative and responsibility, but had recruit carriers from Mpraeso, since Abetifi people were forbidden from going with them. (Mohr explains in outline political situation. in Kwahu, and says that Obo had maintained a secret link with Agogo ‘the most notable town in Eastern Asante). 3 of Mohr’s Begoro carriers also refused to go further out of fright, and he had to recruit new ones. August 23rd from Obo Twenedurase through Zwasihu (where Mohr preached on John 6.37) and stayed the night at Akwaboa. August 24th a hard day’s journey to the first Asante Akim village, Sankore. They failed to get as far as Bompata, their actual objective for the day. A load of foodstuffs was sent from Sankore direct to Obogu for use on the return journey. Bompata they reached after 20 minutes the next .morning. August 25th – passing through Bompata where their preaching was attended by a large crowd, they visited Adomfe, and stayed the night in Kurofa. In the former they found a Fante rascal, one of the ‘bush magistrates’ who function on the order of the Protectorate, settling disputes and being paid for same. Of course he was very pious and warned the people to take the preaching to heart. But the missionaries warned the people aganinst him. In Kurofa they found a young man chained, and after Ramseyer’s intervention, the chief promised to set her free. She had done nothing but she was a citizen of that part of Asante-Akim which was remaining loyal to Asante, and out a pure spirit of revenge she was being made to suffer. When the people repented of the chief's promise the next morning, Mohr told them that this was no way for them to behave if they were trying.to get English protection – and the missionaries promised to try to intercede for Kurofa people imprisoned in the other part of Asante –Akim. August 26th - they preached in Kurofa Ezekiel 33.2., then after a hard hour's march reached Dwansa. The king, a relative of the Asantehene would not see them. Before the Asante-Juaben war this had been the capital of Asante-Akim, but now with its chief, has thrown off the Asante allegiance. They preached, on Col.1.12-13, then after a short march crossed the border into Asante at the river Owere, and a quarter of an hour later came to Domeabra. There they found several Kumase people, recognised by Ramseyer sitting with the chief. The linguist informed them that their visit to Kumasi must be announced to the Asantehene, and they were sending two sword-bearers to Eumasi for this purpose straight away. The missionaries proposed to spend the time of waiting in a visit to Agogo, and a messenger was sent to announce their arrival there as well. Mohr preached later in the day on the subject of the heavenly journey on which one embarks after changing one's character. They found a slave in the block whom they were able to have freed but they could make no way with getting the freedom of 4 people from Kufofa. August 27th - after 2.5 hours they reached Fwereem, from there the 40 minutes long walk to Agogo was along a broad way which had been specially cleaned in their honour. The welcome in Agogo was the most splendid of any they received, other than in Kumasi. As they preached the town they heard on all sides ‘Ao! Sise ni!’ (A pencilled margin refers to ‘4 Years in Asante' and the Asante word for white man being a derivation from Süss’ name) – and Yaw Asamoa the king did his best to receive them in the friendliest possible way. When they went to see the place where the Ramseyers and Kühne had been lodged as prisoners they found the hut fallen in - Mohr remarks that not one of those places has survived. The king showed signs of real alarm when Ramseyer recalled his irons, and had to be assured that Ramseyer bore no grudge on the subject. August 28th - They had hoped that they could make an arrangement to visit Agogo every year in the Harmattan season, but they found that Asamoa was unwilling to contemplate any arrangement on the lines. He affirmed continually that he would live and die for the Asantehene - it appeared that as the farthest chief from Kumase in this direction he was not trusted - so that any visit to him would have to go through the formality of being known to the Asantehene. Nevertheless the secret link between Agogo and Obo was real enough for Mohr and Ramseyer to send their wives letters from Agogo. At a preaching they had almost the whole population to talk to - Mohr reckoned it was about the size of the population of Abetifi. Ramseyer began with Matt 11.26 (Come unto me…), Mohr took Acta 4.2 on the name of Jesus and young teacher Koranteng closed with a short word on Is. 4.22 (The Godless have no peace....). Despite pressing invitation to remain, they insisted that they must leave Agogo that day in order to be in a position to reach the Asokore farms in one day's march, rather than spend a night in the bush. On their return journey they travelled via Twerem, then down to Asantra, where a few people remained, and stayed the night at Wiawoso. August 29th - after they had descended to the Juaben plain they found themselves on a road which brought them in 6 hours to an Asokore farming village, Nyamfa. This was the area of the importanr Asokore Kola nut woods, where the trees are carefully tended. The village where they spent the night was in one such Kola nut wood. August 30th. Asokore was reached after 2 1/41 hours, a place which relatively speaking most Juaben people have returned. Afidwase and the capital Juaben are- still almost totally in ruins, only a few isolated huts have been rebuilt among the ruins. In Asokore they asked for a guide to take them to Totorase the village where the Ramseyer's son Fritz was buried. The previous chief of Totorase - which no longer exists – took them - they located the position of a hut which Ramseyer could remember, and found the banana trees under which the grave been made, but they could find no stone to mark it, and the king had not kept his promise or least not been obeyed. In Asokore they preached on the subject of life being the search for God. They passed through the ruins of Afidwase in ten minutes after leaving Asokore, and came to Juaben. There was a fetish priest there, and a vulnerable old man who took the role of the chief, which is not to say much considering the few people in the town. He said “The Asantehene has placed me here to give strangers fire for their pipes, and the departed-spirits water to drink.” 31st August to 5th September. On their way towards Kumasi on 31st August they met a herald in Bomfa coming to meet them with the two sword-bearers from Domeabra. These brought the news that the Asantehene would meet them on the next Monday at sunset - so they had 5 days in which to wait. They spent the time in the district, preaching as far as, possible. For three days they were based on Asotwe, where Ramseyer renewed his acquaintance with Odogo. They sent another messenger in to the Asantehene urging that he meet them at least on Saturday, but the reply came that this could not be, since they were celebrating the custom of a linguist who died a few days before. Mohr comments that the real reason for the delay was the Asantehene's wish to bring in a large population from the villages around Kumasi in order to make the welcome of important strangers as imposing as possible - it is by this means that white men have been welcomed by a crowd of as many as 20’000. The kings in the Protectorate openly bemoan that they are no longer able to exhibit their majesty on such a scale. From Asotwe they went to a farming-village belonging to the Asantehene, Fomesua, after having passed through and preached in Abankurow and Tikurowni. And on the Sunday, separated in the morning, Mohr going to preach in Nboma-so, and Ramseyer to Koko-bra. On the Monday they went through Osubeng and Nsupow to Kumase. (From here the account is mainly printed). Additional material - that under the shade tree at Dadeso-aba they were the spectators of several .processions of mourners being led, toward the cemetery by fetish priests or priestesses. The market in which they were received was the Dwabirim. The King’s wives' eunuchs were again in evidence and strictly obeyed by the men. The Wesleyan Missionhouse is in ruins. The 'other chief" to whom they had communicated there was Owusu Koko. (The account of the return journey was not printed in Heidenbote). Here was some anxiety about then they would be allowed to leave Kumasi. The Friday was the day of the audience, and on the next Monday the king's present arrived - £8 in gold dusts (plus sundry provisions). And in the end they were assured that they would be able to leave the following Monday. Their carriers felt that they were prisoners – several decamped the Sunday after the audience, though two came back the next day troubled by what their status would be without the missionaries. And Mohr reports that when they did leave the people whom they passed in the streets were surprised that the king had let them go so soon (this seems another of hints that he gives that the population of Kumasi were rather more hostile than Ramseyer portrayed them). The first night they spent at Ayigya, having had difficulty keeping up with the carriers. Next day via Fomesua, where the two ways fork, through Oboankrah, and then a row of fine-looking villages (Kwamo, Krapa, Adweso, Mmerease, Dosebi, Dadentam, Ampedame). In Oboankra they went into the forest to see those great granite blocks - and as well as the giant blocks they found other blocks strewn around in the immediate neighbourhood. They spent the night in an Odumase village (no name) and next day through Konongo to Obogu. They found building in progress in Obogu, and is a neatly laid out town. Although it belongs to Asante Akim it is at the moment independent of Asante Akim, Akim Kotoku and Asante. The background which Mohr gives to this is that several years ago the King was involved in a court-case in Cape Coast, was imprisoned and actually found himself carrying night-soil. He could have been saved by payment of £70, but no-one came to his rescue, .and so, he resolved to cut himself off from his neighbours. Like the rest of Asante Akin he is deterred from pressing too hard to be admitted to the Protectorate, because of his dislike of any idea of slave- and pawn-emancipation. (18th Sep).On the Saturday they crossed the Kome after 2 1/4 hours, and found on its left bank some Kotokus settled. From Praso they left the usual way in order to visit Afosu, a village settled by colonists from Domeabra; in Afosu they met a Christian from Kukurantumi. Then they lost the way and came to an isolated hut built among the ruins of a village - this was Aberem, the village having been destroyed in the war when Gyadam was sacked. From there they reached Ekwae where they held their Sunday services. That day they walked through Asuom (where the people said they would become Christians if the chief told them to) Owiawoso, Tweapeaase, Mpeha, to Bomsu where they spent the night. The party separated there, Ramsyer travelling to Obomeng/Mpraeso via Obomosu, and Mohr going via Tumfa, Kwabeng, Anyinam to Begoro. At Kukubi on the Berem he found a ferry built on the same principles the cable ferries in Europe. The cable was 4 Spanish Canes plaited together, and made fast to trees on the banks, and a strong woodcutter is the motive power. According to reports the two missionaries heard in Kwahu and Begoro, Boakye Tengteng was already returning or about to return to Kumasi- Also, although the quality of the receptionof their preaching is nowhere described in detail, Mohr says early on that the usual thing in an Asante village, during this journey, was for the whole population to turn out for street preaching. The most extended general account of affairs not printed concerns the condition of Asante Akim. He gives the reason for the movement of people from Amantra to Bompata as their wishing to declare themselves independent from Asante. He himself had had to quite re-orientate his idea of the geography of Asante Akim. He had thought that Obogu was the capital and the centre of the district with Amantra to the north. But instead they found Bompata - unknown by name before Brethren Dilger's visit at the centre, and Obogu, though a notable village on the edge of the district. Geographically it is clear that the work in Asante-Akim should be an extension from Kwahu. The Asante-Akim people have put themselves under the authority of Akim Kotoku, and wish, as is known, to put themselves under British protection. This is not surprising – Akims are still fleeing from Asante and settling in the district. Their appeal for a teacher is part of this strategy - they feel they will be safe if the missionaries station a man among them. The seceding towns and villages unfortunately live in enmity with those remaining true to Asante, and though this has not expressed itself in open battle, the trade way is closed (unlike that via Adanse), and many people are kept in chains having found themselves on the wrong side of the border. Many slaves are coming across the border, too, in order to enjoy their freedom in the Protectorate - and thus much money is being lost on, both sides. There are cases too of pawns not wanting to accompany masters into the independent area. On his side the Asantehene is trying to handle the loyal Asante-Akim people as gently as possible - they were in Kumasi a case arose in which an Asante-Akim man who had sworn the King's oath falsely was not put to death. On account of this instability Mohr thinks it would be unwise to station a man in Asante Akim, but the district offers rich opportunities to people conducting preaching tours. Describing the part of Asante Akim remaining under the Asantehene, Mohr lists its towns as Domeabra, Nyabo, Kononmo Twereem, Agogo. From there it is a hard day's march to the Juaben villages. According to the chief in Domeabra that town alone has lost 750 people (to the independent area presumably). Amantra has disappeared, except that the Asantehene has sent several people to settle there again. As an appendix to Mohr’s account is some information about routes: 1. Begoro-Abetifi-Konongo-Kumasi 2. Begoro-Abetifi-Agogo-Kumasi 3. Begoro-Tumfa-Asuum-Obogu-Kumasi Mohr remarks that the 1st route is the least exhausting from Abetifi to Kumasi, and offers the most opportunities for preaching. Route 2 involves two days through thick wood to Agogo, and it is forest again from Agogo to Asokore, small farming villages excepted. And an additional advantage to the first route is that after Oboankra there is a mass of notable villages, while on route 2 you pass through the area of destroyed Juaben villages.
Station Census: Missionaries: Ramseyers & Dilger. Catechist: Ph. Kwabi until July, then he was in Mpraeso Teachers: Emm. Dako (married), and since July Johannes Koranteng (unmarried). Reporting on the progress of the Christian community (it is not clear whether this is all Kwahu or just Abetifi). Ramseyer raports 6 baptisms - 3 of adults and 3 of children. Equally there have been 3 exclusions, only one of them, James Boaman, has shown penitence and continued to associate with the Christians. Indeed he has come to live on the mission station. There is every hope that he will be re-admitted in course of the next year. The Ramseyer's ex-maid, Salome, was one of the exclusions. All were excluded for 'sins of the flesh'. One man was re-admitted – Thomas Entiamoa – after 18 months of exclusion. Judging by the information here the re-admission process involved interviews about the penitence of the person involved, a period under observation to see what his or her behaviours was now like, and in the case of someone who had publicly attacked the Christians as Entiamoa had done, a public statement of penitence. Kwabi in Mpraeso has been vainly concerned with the building of his house so far, and thus hindered from travelling which will be his main responsibility. However he holds regular morning and evening prayers in Mpraeso, and on Sundays has been preaching in Obomeng, Mpraeso and Aibie. Several youths have gathered themselves around him, however, as catechumens. Ramseyer doubts their motivations until they (the mission staff) have had more time to see how they get on, but one has just brought Ramseyer his collected house fetishes, and destroyed them in his presence. He has reported separately on his journey to Kumasi in September, but his main impressions were that Asante is far weaker than before, and cannot seriously contemplate war; and equally that Kwahu has nothing to fear from Asante, which is a great comfort to the missionaries. The year has been significant for the development of the pre-existing (his phrases imply for several years) contacts with Asante-Akim. After his journey there and Dilger’s, they regard these 2 towns as coming und Abetifi's missionary area - it will be regularly visited, and they hope to send a teacher to live there, as the people have been asking. In Kwahu they have been busy with preaching journeys, and usually have a large and attentive audience. In Abetifi itself they have been house-to-house visiting, and there are individuals who have been touched by what has been said - and Ramseyer says he knows which they are. In Abetifi itself they are troubled by the fact that they no longer have a catechist. The two teachers regularly go out on preaching journeys to the north-east, but they have not altogether the right gifts. Dako is conscientious and zealous, but he lacks character and warm-heartedness for preaching. Koranteng although a lovable man must always be guided in his work. In the Abtifi they are especially happy with the development of the Elder, who has also taken on the position of evangelist. His work as evangelist is sporadic, since he has to do his farm work to support himself, but he has often accompanied Ramseyer (he went with him to Kumasi) and Ramseyer is always very pleased to hear his warm-hearted preaching and arguments drawn from his own experience. They have also been overjoyed by the way that for 2 weeks the Christians and catechumens of Abetifi have voluntarily and without pay been working on the building of the catechist's house at Mpraeso.
Report from Dilger for the First Quarter 1881
Report of a preaching tour. In Obo on one visit the king embraced both him and the catechist. They have taken to preaching in several different quarters in Obo so as to come into contact with more people. People are not so keen on house to house visits, and face to face conversations. In Mpraeso one of the 2 lapsed catechumens visited him in his lodging and proceeded to beat wildly on a drum which he held under his arm. The chief in Mpraeso he judges to be somewhat unfriendly judging by his relations to their attempt to purchase land in Mpreaso. In Nkwatia (which he reckons is a bigger town than either Abetifi or Mpreaso) he has had some conversation with the chief fetish priest. Dilger tried to persuade him that although his long-standing religion could not be thrown away simply, he ought to find out what Dilger’s religious teachings were. As they left the house a drum began to beat, and Catechist Kwabi interpreting said that it was saying 'The Allmighty God came to do business with the earth, but be earth slew him'. Dilger also reports a street conversation with a young man who said he wasn't giving up his fetish. The king in Nkwatia seems to be somewhat ambivalent in his attitudes, friendly, but he has never responded to Dilger’s invitation to hear the preaching. Sakaraka he reckons is a town of 2000 inhabitants. When staying overnight there they are usually put up by a smith who is very friendly and hospitable, and has said he wants his family to become Christians. Tafo is a village, but they usually have a good number of hearers there. Burakuwa, a little village, but one where the people are usually glad to hear the preaching. On one occasion he preached there about the occasion when Paul preached to several woman in a town and afterwards one stayed with him and became a Christian. Pepeaso is near to Abetifi, and a big town. There has been a case there of a Christian publicly and privately breaking the King’s oath.
Repeating the arguments for proceeding from Abetifi to Kumasi vis-à-vis Anum. Abetifi is nearer, and in 6-8 hours you find yourself in the thickly populated area Asante Akim from where it is a short journey to Juaben There is also some discussion of financial details, in which it emerges that they are importing for health reasons Kissinger water - and the portage from the coast costs 6d a bottle.
They are apparently able to sit under the shadow of their vine.
The bulk of the letter is about his learning of the twi language, which he has tiled to do mainly by talking about secular topics. He does not think the Bible Translation is understood by many poople. He offers some proverbs which he has learnt. Dilger comments finally that it would be good to offer a proper description of African religion, but he is not yet in a position of understanding the language, customs, and needs of the people enough to do this.
A short letter reporting their arrival in Kumasi, and a friendly and magnificent reception. Explains tout court their decision to make the journey in view of the Asantehene’s wish to have missionaries in his capital, They hope to see the Asantehene tomorrow, and return shortly.
Dilger to Basel - Report of a Journey to Asante-Akim
The journey took place about 10 days after his return from Begoro in the new year. He reports that part of his visit which concerned the independent province (of Asante-Akim), not under Asante. An embassy had come to them asking them for a teacher, and saying that 6 children had already been gathered for a school, and a place set aside for a teacher's house. One of the members of this embassy returned in the Company of Dilger, in order to show him the way. They passed through the Kwahu towns of Obo, Akwasino, and Akwaboa, spending the night in the latter. His people were concerned because Dilger had fever, but he took a dose of quinine and sweated out during the night. After two hours the next day, they crossed the Pra. 4 huts stand on its left bank judging by the ruins not long ago there must have been a few more. At 5 p.m. they reached Asuboa after a slow trek. Asuboa is not the capital town, but next to it. He remarks that the people of Asante-Akim are one the average-poor, and some of them are very poor. Asuboa is an example of this – they have poor huts which only offer scanty shelter, there is no source of livelihood, other than growing their own foods; indeed he saw no meat being eaten and sometimes the people have no salt. He spent two nights in Asuboa, and this gave opportunity to talk to the people (converse) till late in the nights. They were impressed with the biblical history which was related to them, and Dilger had the impression that it was a ‘real balsam’ to them. They also visited Dampong, one hour away, where they were received with friendliness. The women were very interested to see a real white men, the chief dashed them a hen and some eggs, and when the gift of 1 shilling from the fetish priest (a young man) was refused on the ground that they needed no token of his real friendship there, was considerable commotion to find a hen instead. En route from Asuboa to Bombata they passed the tiny village of Asankare, where Dilger felt he had never read so clearly in peoples' faces a train of sufferings. They have broken free from Asante, a fear day and night that they will be surprised by them. They had been met by an emissary of the Bombata chief on their way, who conducted them to the town, the capital of the district. There they were naked to wait under a shady tree until the chief was ready to greet them - they had to wait a long time while other chiefs who came to greet them by degrees were assembled. They made the same offer to him which had already been made by the embassy which had visited Abetifi, and Dilger replied making his position clear. In the evening he had a large body of hearers when he preached. He asked the old fetish priest if he agreed with the invitation and he said that he wanted what was good too, and if he changed his mind the people would not change their minds simply as a result – they would do what they wanted. General information on Bompata offered by Dilger: they were planting no yams out of fear, of Asante attack. They had come from Amantra, and before the town was established in Bopmata there was only a hunter's hut called Bombata. The next day they passed through Adomfe. Dilger was impressed by this as a nice town, lying on a small hill, its true size not revealed as one approaches from North or South, as the bulk of it lies along a hill with an East-West axis. This he feels would be a good site for an outstation, preferable to Bompata in that there were no hills suitable for an outstation in Bompata, furthermore as an immigrant settlement, the people of Bompata might one day simply move off to somewhere else. The people of Adomfe on the other hand were living there before Asantehene existed. In Komfa they received a very, friendly welcome, near Guansa they heard there was a large town called Domeabra which they missed visiting through an error. As they were leaving, Guansa 4 ambassadors of the Avantehene arrived there with the mission by cunning or bribes to win one chief away from the others, and again to declare himself under Asante. They hoped to do this by persuading people to destool an existing chief in return for money. Therefore Dilger hurried away rather than be drawn into giving the people of Guansa any advice. They made Kyekyebiase a base from which they visited Peteriensa and Abima. The latter is the village of the king of Asante-Akim. He came into Kyekyebiase to be present at their preaching there. At Kyekyebiase they were joined by the Asante ambassadors. One of Dilger’s party went to visit them, but they said to him that their Word was a true one, but they served the King of Asante and wanted none of it. From Kyekyebiase they travelled to Mooso, passing on the way excellent farms bordering a good path. The people of Mooso wanted no preaching. In Nankyi they were received in a very friendly way: on the march his thoughts had been in Basel and he remembered the prayer spoken every Sunday by Pfarrer Miville concerned with the three things creation, resurrection and the coming of the Holy Ghost, so he preached on those three point. From Nankyi they returned to Bombata, and so eventually home. On the last stretch of the march to Abetifi they were called back by a young man who had decided to become a Christian. Finally Dilger transmits to the Committee the Asante-Akim request for a teacher, but says he cannot support it. Such a man would be a palavar-settler primarily, and until Asante-Akim is part of the protectorate and the English are in Kumasi, it would be best not to establish a station there. However, he would like permission to make a twice-yearly visit to Asante-Akim in order to keep in touch with the people.
Ramseyer to Basel - Summary Report in the Visit to Kumasi
They arrived in Kumasi on September 5th, and were able to meet the Asantehene on the 9th (the delay caused by obsequy customs). Before the Asantehene 'and his chiefs' they tried to make it quite clear what their objective was. They said they had absolutely nothing to do with politics - their purpose was simply to preach the Word of God - they dwelt a lot on John 3.16. They explained that they had heard that the Asantehene had asked for missionaries to be sent, and so came to see if he would accept the Basel Mission, offering a very positive forecast of the reactions of the B.M. to an invitation to set up a mission settlement in Kumasi. The reply they received was that the Asantehene was overjoyed to see Ramseyer in Kumasi again, moreover their Word was a good word; but they could give no certain answer until the return of the Boakye Tengteng Mission to the Governor (Ramseyer obviously understood this to meet that the Asantehene could not run the risk of misunderstanding if he made arrangements about the reception of a mission on his own without having received the advice from the Governor for which he had asked). On their return they were able to explore the whole of Asante-Akim, from which now two deputations have come asking for a teacher. The previous population of Amantra have settled themselves in about a dozen places around Bompata. They plan to visit the area frequently in future
The letter is a footnote to Mohr's report on the visit, No 237 below). The under-chief who had visited David Asante with news of the Asantehene’s requests for a missionary was a Kumasi sub-chief, end he had attended services regularly while staying in Nsakye. Much of the letter is couched in terms of Ramseyer’s own satisfaction at being back in Kumasi (indeed Ramseyer’s own feelings, and the interpretation he of course gives them as an indication of God's Will to play a major part in this series of letters about the possibility of an Asante mission). 'It was a tremendous satisfaction for me that they heard from my own mouth how much I love Asante and its people’. His reception seems to have been in the highest degree friendly. 'With a friendly smile on his lips the king said "Yes, it is true that you love the Kumasi people”.’ He did hear one young man say on the market that it was on account of that man that their town was destroyed, but on the whole from high and low he was greeted with great friendship. He explains the refusal to accept the gift of a twi bible as no serious hint of unwelcome. If the bible had been presented with the first customary gifts, it would have been accepted - indeed the Asantehene accepted a twi New Testament from them during their captivity. Instead it was offered at the end of their speech about the preparedness of the Basel Mission to Work in Kumasi, and the Kumasi people (one of the chiefs spoke against receiving it) probably thought that accepting it would indicate that they had accepted the Basel Mission offer. On Asante-Akim - it belongs unmistakably to Kwahu (in mission-organisation terms), Bompata is the central point, around which are about a dozen large and small communities. He said to the Bompata people that if they wanted a teacher they must prove it by building him a house, and this is now his message to any town in Asante-Akim or Kwahu who wants a teacher. The early Bompata mission to the coast in search of a teacher went to the 'King of Accra' with their money before approaching Buhl and the Basel Mission for an intrduction to the Governor. He feels Asuom is no suitable advanced base for a mission in Kumasi - it is no further forward than Abetifi, and as low lying as Kibi. On the Abetifi-Kumasi route lie many important towns - Bompata, Petrenam, Nyaba, Konomgo, Odumase (he has sent in a sketch map with the letter). The latest news is that an English officer had returned to Kumasi with Foakyo Tengteng, and that two of the conditions of peace are the abolition of human-sacrifice and that Asante will not fall upon any other tribe in war without having informed the English regime first.
Further comments on the question of a Kumasi mission – mainly based on a letter he has received from Prince Ansah, informing him that several approaches have been made recently from Kumasi to the Wesleyans to settle in Kumasi once more. He does not see any need for the Basel Mission to abstain from trying- to have a station in Kumasi too. Asante is a place large enough for both missions to work in separate spheres, but although Asante is weaker than before each village is still under the control of a representative of the Asantehene, and it is unthinkable that they could carry on mission work in Asante without first establishing themselves in the capital.
The comments are all more or less against the Kumasi proposal. Eisenschmid e.g. because he reads the events of the 2 visits in 1881 differently and less optimistically than Ramseyer, and Steiner because he thinks that Wesleyan and Basel mission methods are so diametrically opposed that they cannot possibly coexist in the same town.
[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881