Schmid's Report on a Journey through Akim
[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XII. - Akropong
Report of a visit to Akim with some Akropong schoolboys. It is mainly concerned with the consecration of the church in Kukurantumi; but after that he journeyed further into Akim, and came to Fankyeneko and Begoro. The Begoro people did not leave the town voluntarily on account of fearing that anyone who actually went away would fall under suspicion of having committed the murder. Also that on Good Friday the chief attended service in the church, and was one of the first to come to the place where street preaching was to be held later in the day. Schmid remarks that the Begoro audience was notably attentive - there were few interruptions. Schmid has the jungle beginning after Ahabante. He describes this as involving a thick 'under-wood' of 25'-30' height through which it is very difficult to force a way, but now and again has been cut down and burnt for farms. The Akims do not touch the tall trees, ever to the extent of not artificially making a tree-trunk bridge, then they take benefit from such bridges once they have been made by a storm. Describing the arrival of the groups to celebrate the consecration of the Kukurantumi Chapel Schmid notes that some came singing. One of the Begoro groups was led by a man with a large flag. The Kibi school pupils were singing in 4 parts, and so were the Akropong middle school boys. The collection was 330 Marks, of which the Kukurantumi chief contributed 2 Marks. Commenting on Kibi he writes that the Christian village is 5 minutes away from the old town. This is depopulated - following the imprisonment of Ata the emancipation of slaves has occurred one large scale and the former inhabitants have scattered themselves in farming villages having lost their support. The 'king's palace' of an earlier resort was a 2-storey stone house - not yet completed - since work on it was abandoned the staircases has already collapsed. He is very rude about the inhabitants remaining in Kibi. They are the ex-servants of the ring and live a life of laziness unrivalled in Akim. It is impossible to held a serious conversation with them, warnings are met with derision, and when they lack something they steal it with astounding effrontery.
[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XIII. - Kjebi
The letters No. 205, 213, 214 and 215 belong together. A summary is given in Letter No. 215.
Buck and Huppenbauer: Report of the Journey to Kumasi
Buck and Huppenbauer: From Kyebi to Kumasi and back
The letters No. 205, 213, 214 and 215 belong together. A summary of the four letters is given here. A report of the journey is also printed in "Der Heidenbote", 1881, pp 43ff (based on No. 213). The letter No. 215 is printed for the Friends of the Asante Mission, June 1881. Reports having had 5000 troops march by them - they reckoned that 50,000 people were present at their ceremonial welcome. The letter No. 215 is not a comprehensive translation, although it has a calculation which seems to be absent from the version in the “Heidenbote” and indeed from Letter No. 213 that they passed through 79 inhabited places, in most of which they preached. The letter No. 214 seems to be independent. Huppenbauer offers as part-justification for the journey the idea that the missionaries must be much more mobile if they are to have their full effect. In discussing their journey towards Kumasi Huppenbauer mentions the stretch of deserted woodland which stretches between Akim and Asante, and says that the Akim people have many horrifying creatures - one an enormous man clothed in iron. To prove his existence they told the story 80 hunters who went in search of him, only one of whom returned with a frequent of the iron, which was now a fetish in a village which the missionaries visited on their return journey. The fetish Huppenbauer says was an old European helmet gone rusty - they concluded it must have belonged to some earlier slave-raider who had been killed or in some other way lost the helmet. Describing the street preaching at Yayaso on the first night after leaving Asnum, Huppenbauer writes that it is no good when you are the first person to preach in a village talking about salvation in Christ, when the people have no idea that there is a living God, and have no idea what sin is. Instead you have to persuade them with different examples that there is a God who rules over men; and then by talking about the commandments you introduce the idea of sin. After Huppenbauer had finished speaking in this town Deacon Date took up the 10 Commandments with the chief who claimed to keep the Sabbath holy, but on the other hand agreed that they did not work all of the other six days of the week. Date also questioned people as to how they stood in relation to the commandment against adultery. They had a tent with them. In a description of their visit to Obogu Huppenbauer mentions conversations on the streets in evening, which went on so long the missionaries felt they were being kept from bed; and the fact that one of the topics discussed was Europe. They seem to have been repeated asked to sing. The report that they slept in the bed of the Chief of Odumase seems to have originated out of the fact that after their great argument with him about their movements, they had a further argument about where they were to sleep. At first they could find no suitable hut, so they started to pitch their tent. But then people told them that a leopard had been active in the village, and had mutilated no less than 5 people in their own huts in the previous few days. The chief personally tried to dissuade them from using the tent when they proved stubborn, but he was not able to persuade them to come into a hut. In several of towns during this part of the journey their coming caused a major panic - the worst example seems to have been Obohankra, where most people packed their possessions and left the town for the first night of their stay. One of the things which the people of considered a possible reason for their visit was that they were to force new laws on the Asantehene - but they explained on the contrary that they were ambassadors of God. After confidence had been established, Huppenbauer reports that many people came from the surrounding district to see them, and to hear what their 'Word' was. There appears to have been some to-ing and fro-ing over the question of when they would be allowed into Kumasi. In Obohankra they were told that they would meet the king on Saturday; after they had endeavoured to have this brought forward they were told they must wait till Monday, but they then acted as if Saturday was the day, having informed the Asantehene that he must not change his mind when he was dealing with Europeans. On the day when they expected to be taken into Kumasi they were lead throughh the bush on narrow footpaths, and believed that they were being deliberately led around till it would be too late to enter the town - they then refused to eat until they knew what the position was (they remembered this as a feared sanction in Remseyer and Kühne's account of their captivity). Whether they were being fair in their judgement is not clear, since the messenger who was sent off to the king to report their hunger-strike returned within 30 minutes with the answer that they should eat because they would certainly meet the King, and an advanced party of their own people whom they sent off to check that the path indicated was indeed leading to Kumasi returned with this assurance within a quarter of an hour. On the other hand, they spent the previous night at Ayegyea, which Huppenbauer reckons was ¾ of an hour from Kumasi, and they walked for much longer than ¾ hour before reaching the town. Huppenbauer writes twice that this entry was on a Saturday (the account in Heidenbote has Sunday as the day of entry). Describing the various processions of welcome, he gives the name of the chief linguist as Opoku, the three senior princes bringing up the rear before the Asantehene as Nsuta Mampong and Bantama, and the Asantehene himself preceded by 4 boxes of gold dust which must have weighed 152 pounds (he gives no indication of how this figure was established). On the Sunday the King had given instructions that no-one was to disturb them. Date conducted a service in their lodgings from which some Ashantes were excluded by the sword-bearer on the grounds that they were a disturbance. In his description of the audience with the Asantehene he says that there were 15-18,000 people present. They informed the king that they were wanting to see whether it would be possible to travel in Asante, preaching. They were given by the king, besides a great deal of food, £16 gold dust. They wanted to refuse the latter, but were advised that it would not be tactful, so they took it to cover their travelling costs. Indeed, they needed much of it to buy gifts for the servants etc. who had been looking after them. The occasion when permission for street preaching was refused was a return visit paid by the missionaries to the palace after the king had visited them in their house, in order to see how they were accomodated etc. That occasion was not one which the missionaries found they could turn to conversation, however. Their street preaching was apparently received with considerable interest - the day they began it, their house was surrounded constantly and far into the night by people wanting to hear what they had to say. Writing in general about Kumasi and Asante, Huppenbauer says that the place where Ramseyer and Kühne stayed is now marked only by the mango and breadfruit trees which they planted - otherwise the place has become the sanitary tip for the town. It is half rebuilt - but is still a really big town, and very thickly peopled. The market is now of little importance, since the closing of the ways north, and everything especially salt and tobacco is exceedingly dear. People sigh under the hard yoke and long for delivery. Mensa does not have so many people executed as Karikari, he prefers levying heavy fines. Nevertheless Huppenbauer doubts if the 'murder-system' is totally disused – there was a terrible smell from the place where the corpses used to be thrown, and they were not allowed actually to go there - people turned them back, saying the king did not wish them to visit it. Missionary work would be impossible in the areas still under Asante rule, since they are all slaves of the Asantehene, and would not come forward for baptism without his permission.
D. Huppenbauer's Report for the Year 1881
He reports a 22-house Christian village in Kibi and 14 house-village in Kukurantumi. Of the other Christian centres he reports changes in Tumfa where a catechist's house has been built, Asiamang and Apedwa where a house was in the process of being built. Buck spent most of the year on furlough for his health, Missionary Burckhardt spent some months in Kibi, but was then switched with Munz from Begoro. Huppenbauer married at the end of the year. Date was posted from Abomosu to Kibi as Buck left, and during the year Anoba was ordained deacon and transferred from Kibi to Abomosu. At the time of Buss' death he was working on the 2-storey Kibi mission house. During the year the 2-storey house was completed its latter stages by Huppenbauer and Munz. It was a bad year for sickness among both local people and missionaries. At one time 7 people died in 6 days in Apedwa and at the same time 6 died in Apapam, while Date was finding 1 or 2 deaths in each of a string of little villages which he passed through. The missionaries suffered from many fevers, and were without Kissinger Water the whole year, Census - an increase in the total community of the district to 703, after 52 baptisms, 44 of them adults. Huppenbauer discusses in generalities the point that this is a much smaller rate of increase than in the preceding year, but argues for himself that he knows that this is not just a matter of sowing and letting the seed grow of itself, also cites a son of Ata saying that every time they preach a corn falls onto the gold-scales and sooner or later they must register this. Discussing geographical tactics Huppenbauer writes as if torn between the problem of devoting adequate time to the existing community, and responding to the promising developments characteristic of West Akim. In Osanase an ex-pupil of the school has built a temporary chapel and a house for a catechist. Two paragraphs appear to complain about new financial regulations. The school has suffered a palpable blow through the imposition of school-tax, and he wishes that introduction of 2/3 church tax had been done after a Synod. Cash is hard to come by in Akim, and many of the community had been involved in the year in building of e.g. catechist-houses, which in other areas had been put up with Mission money (Eisenschmid adds the footnote that in Akwapim it had been sufficient to call the presbyters together and explain the situation to them). Kibi - 34 baptisms of heathen, and 4 of Christian children; a complete increase of 44 led to a community total of 268. The previous year's point about service attendance and evangelism is repeated: Kibi is without doubt the furthest ahead of all the district communities. Date had challenged the community so much about what complacency there was that two members had refused to attend services at which he preached and eventually had to be excluded. A happy aspect of the situation, however, is the way in which the excluded, after a brief time in the heathen town, have associated themselves once more with the Salem, and even in this year of chapel-building have done so, working like full members of the community thereon. There has been no serious case of conflict between members of the community - a major step forward compared with past years. Household and married life leaves much to be desired, but this is not to be wondered at in view of the patterns of family life from which the Christians have come. Relations between Christians and heathen have been good - the Christians are respected by the heathen, and indeed compared with the broken-down houses, heaps of rubbish, and unchecked grass of Kibi itself the Salem presents an impressive spectacle. There is a girls' school which has been in existence for over a year and has 21 pupils. Kukurantumi - new chapel consecrated on Palm Sunday, 9 baptisms, among them the nephew and heir of the first chief of Kukurantumi. Tafo and Osiem are no longer opposed to proselytising but both want a teacher, and it is proposed to post Ewi to one of them as a permanent move. Asiakwa - no baptisms - the catechumen group was attending instructions too irregularly for that. A greater emphasis on stability is no bad thing there, however, since the community is largely made up of young people. The school has been severely damaged by the school-tax question. Abomosu and associated places - Abomosu has had a troubled year in which Presbyter Abraham has had to be replaced by Presbyter Timothy. A key problem has been the removal of Date and his late substitution by Anoba - the Christians had to suffer a lot of derision from the heathen when their teacher was removed. Huppenbauer specifically says he does not want to go into details. It is a wonder that any community in Akim can survive unsupervised for so long. Asunafo remained insulated from all this, going forward quietly the Christians now mostly living in fine houses on mission land. Tumfa, mostly composed of young people, is still exhibiting the weakness of character of Teacher Okanta. Tumfa could be developed as a centre for a travelling preacher. Banso and Akim-Akropong are both within easy reach, and the mission land there is in a fine position. Kwabeng - the people show so little desire for an increase in their grasp of the gospel that they are all suspended from taking communion. Huppenbauer adds that it is a striking characteristic of the situation in Akim that where the main business is gold-digging, the people have little interest in Christianity. Apapam makes a good impressions. Catechist Odee works well and 'on the whole it is true that where we have true and capable people as catechists the state of the community is also satisfactory'. Apweda -street preaching is now possible without the bitter opposition of the heathen. Of the 5 catechumens 2 were baptised, the rest being absent too much. A house is being built for the catechist - this will help the Kibi Christian Joshua Adai who so far has been paying the catechist's rent. Asiamang - 4 catechumen, though the missionaries had expected more. People come in great numbers to street-preaching but converts are scarce (There is a Wesleyan group in the town who want supervision). A footnote from Eisenschmid puts the Wesleyan request as coming from Abase, however.
There is correspondence about financial administration at Kibi in March-May of this year. It is opened by a Basel Committee letter dated 14 March 1881 (presumably to find in the D-2 series). Folio 41-2 in which the points are made: 1. that the collection of money from the community for a new chapel was not done in a proper way 2. that the Kibi missionaries had done wrong in transgressing a printed rule dated 27 January 1879 that no money was to be lent to private people out of local church funds. The missionaries were to collect the debts as quickly as possible, their own salaries being held security. Point 2 is clarified by this letter. Buck takes full responsibility, since no sums had been lent out for over a year. The money was in fact lent out of the Poor Fund, specifically for Christians left naked by war, converts who in the process of conversion had lost everything and could not marry, people who were being held back from conversion by small debts they owed. All loan were made at small percentage interest, no-one was allowed more than £3, and the Presbyters underwrote every acknowledgement of debt. The debts are repaid slowly, but no-one has failed. He felt this was a proper procedure in view of the numbers of people entering the community who were more or less without possessions. Point 1 is discussed in a long letter by Huppenbauer. It appears that the contribution of the Kibi community to the Chapel-building fund was obtained by accountancy manipulations, the members of the community being themselves unconscious of what was being done.
In the recent past the community had lost two adults (including a Presbyter) by death and. 6 children, 4 adults were excluded. In the building of the new chapel the pulpit and altar were built by Buss in Kibi and transported to Kukurantumi. They had difficulty finding a mason, but in the end Buck sent one. One of the first enquirers from Osiem was a young man who was known to Koranteng as a leading, interrupter of street preaching and a leader of a group of young men. His explanation for his changing over was that he had found fetishes and charms were nothing, while 'the ways of Christians are right'. His old companions considered fining him a sheep and some drinks for dishonouring the fetish to whom they had all sworn unchanging loyalty. Koranteng advised him that the problem was Satan being annoyed at having lost him, told him to tell the people to leave Satan to make his own revenge. The idea of fining him was finally dropped. Three more converts have come from Tafo complaining that fetishes mean nothing but trouble and debts. He describes the consecration of the new church at Kukurantumi: 5 missionaries, 3 deacons, 5 catechists, and 2 evangelists were present. There were school pupils from both Kibi and Akropong, both acting as choirs. After the service of consecration in the morning another service was held in the afternoon at which two of the missionaries spoke, followed by 2 deacons, 5 catechists and both evangelists 'with intervention of singings by both the schools'. The occasion inspired a nephew of the chief to come forward as a catechumen after he had been considering the step for a long time.
D. Huppenbauer's Report for the Second Quarter of 1881
The first part of the report is a lament at the lack of local personnel, with acerbic footnotes from J. Müller indicating that the lack is not so severe as depicted. Huppenbauer suggests an Evangelists' School in Kibi - they have 3 young men in mind for this. The later part of the report is mostly about building and travelling difficulties in view of the unusually heavy rains. In a subscript Eisenschmid as General Präses points out that all available personnel had been sent into Akim in previous years. At the end of the current school year there were two graduates from the Seminary available for the Twi district, at the same time Catechist Meyer 'inwardly dead' had left the service of the mission.
He describes his career in Akim, and the contrast between what it was like in 1869, and the situation as he was writing.
D. Huppenbauer's Report for the Third Quarter of 1881
The report is printed almost in its entirety in Heidenbote 1882, pp.11ff.
A general report of his travels in the 3rd quarter of the year, the first of which had taken place while he was still a Begoro missionary. He stresses the usefulness of visiting small villages where you can meet people as individuals and talk to them. He mentions visiting a little village Akankese in the Begoro area, for example, and 'several' small farming villages around Anyipam, including one of 4 houses and 30 inhabitants built by 'Asantes'. In describing a visit to Asuum he notes that be had been led to believe that Asuum was South-West of Bomso, but it is in fact in the West of that place. South-West of Asuum is Otumi (2 hours), and 1 hour west of Otumi is Twea. From Twea a path goes through Kade to the coast, which after it has that the main route through Asuum and Obogu branches again towards Kwahu. In the Asuum area the gospel is well-known, and so are Buck and Date. In Bomso several young men were eager to be taught to read to be able the Word of God, and took the opportunity of Munz' visit to get some of his attendants to teach them the Lord's Prayer and the 10 Commandments. Asuum he describes as a town of money and trade. In Abompe he went to see the chief Dompre, who lay on his death-bed. When he woke up Munz talked to him about the nothingness of fetishes. It turned out that Dompre had been taught 'by Sissi' (Süss) in the school at Akropong. On his way back to Kibi from Kade Munz found that the Berem plains were well populated by people living in small farming villages. They live rather isolated.
[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XV. - Abetifi
Reporting his presence in Aburi and the fact that for several months they had heard in Abetifi rumours that the Asantes were buying up arms and ammunition - he mentions Snyder rifles specifically - but that at the moment when letters come to him from Buhl and Eisenschmid advising their evacuation from Abetifi in view of the likelihood of war Kwahu was peaceful. However in view of the fact that his wife was unable to walk any distance Ramseyer felt that it was his responsibility to take his wife away from the station while they could easily got carriers. Dilger was already at Begoro for a short holiday. He obviously feels that rumours are endemic in Akan society, although he places some credence in the idea that some Kwahu chiefs are keen to restore links with Asante (partly to restore their lost prestige, and partly in order to be again empowered to execute the death penalty). However the 'young veople' comprising 2/3 of the population, are against them. Providing the changeover did not happen after a war, he is quite prepared to see Kwahu come under Asante rule, and does not think it would harm their work.
[Archives catalogue]: Guides / Finding aids: Archives: D - Ghana: D-01 - Incoming correspondence from Ghana up to the outbreak of the First World War: D-01.33 - Ghana 1881: D-01.33.XIV. - Begoro
Concerning the personnel of the station, at the time of writing, the station staff included Chr. Burckhardt. Sakyi is still listed as a catechist. There is in this report a list of the 77 places in Akim Abuakwa which lie in the Kibi mission area. Only three places are listed as Juaben villages - Koforidua, Asokore, and Owoko. The map is part of his argument that the area of the Begoro station ought to be extended to take over some of the responsibilities of the Kibi station. In the bulk of the report he says firstly that positive belief in the fetishes is declining - two fetishes were actually brought to him during the course of the year by their owners who had no further use for them. But Christianity demands too much for many of them: For example, the Begoro people have a number of public festivals in which dancing plays an important part, which are led by 'clubs', and it is very difficult for people to break away from them. Another problem is the older people, who do not want to be left with no-one to make custom for them after their deaths (He mentions in this conection specifically many young men). The fetish priests have also been damaged in their authority by a series of deaths occurring in Begoro town which were not matched on the mission station. Many people are now living god-less as a result. Several old people, and several women, are among the roll of the newly baptised, and there are now 6 blessed marriages and the first new Christian marriage is shortly to be .celebrated. There is still difficulty about getting unmarried Christian men wives, however, The Begoro girls want to be wooed in the traditional way, and a search for wives among the Christian communities of Akwapim and Kukurantumi has born no results. Sunday services are very satisfactorily attended, and so are street preachings by the heathen. They have been less successful getting adult Christians to go to a weekly evening school – they are finding it difficult to get any results teaching adults who are not used to this kind of learning. The school for children has still not made much headway. It had 5 pupils, of whom only 1 was Christian boy. Girls they cannot get to come to school at all. The reason is the parents' use of the children - girls to mind the younger ones, and boys especially to help collect snails and gum-copal in the forest. However Mrs Mohr has started a children’s Sunday School, which is going well, after which they play games. There are now enough children on the station for them to go about together, and visit the town less. Reporting on the outstations, the decline in numbers in Fankyeneko is mostly due to people moving away (9 cases), one adult death, and a Christian boy being persuaded away by his mother. In Anyinam, all the Christians are gathered on the station. A school has been practicable in neither place, in the latter because no Christian child of school age exists, in the former because the parents want the children to work for them.
Report by Mohr after an Investigation of the Facts in Discussion with Sakyi, 21-22 March 1881
Disciplinary Proceedings over the months April-Juli 1881 over Catechist Sakyi It is not clear from where the investigation started, except that it cannot have been from Begoro, since Mohr writes strongly in defence of Sakyi. Comparatively little is added to the earlier report from Mohr about Sakyi (No 1880/156 above) except that there had apparently been some occasions of 'irregular' behaviour between him and his wife before they were married. His first major success in trading was in ivory, and this followed in train on his being refused permission to go to Salaga with Buss after he had got together resources for the journey. He was charged too with receiving money to write letters or speak for people, but as far as Mohr could see they boiled down to very few occasions. One was his speaking for the refuges from Obo before the court of the Abetifi chief when Missionary Werner knew about the payment. He refused to take £1 from another old man who was in difficulties establishing his right to some ivory, although he later found that the man had paid 1 dollar to the Christians. He had received money on several occasions, especially in Kibi writing letters to the government. Mohr reports that he plead very vehemently against being dismissed as he recognised he deserved, since he had determined to serve the mission for the rest of his life. And Mohr himself reports that he was an exemplary catechist. To this is added (b) opinions from the senior figures in the mission on the Coast - Müller who seems to have taken an active part in the investigations. He reports that he can find nothing out about the report that Sakyi was an agent for a merchant in Accra. Also he has found in an old letter of Ramseyers the report that Sakyi had dealt in traditional medicine, and indeed "Old Anokwa” who had once been with Buss and deals in traditional medicine was recently in Begoro, but Müller could not find out what his business was. The balance of opinions it in favour of keeping Sakyi in his work in view of Mohr's good reports, but insisting on a stringent standard of conduct
Munz' Report for the First Quarter of 1881
His work at the Begoro station involves mostly language study, but he also helps Mohr sometimes in his farming. One problem for every missionary; is to find a balance between the natural withdrawal from the importunateness of Africans, and the need for an outward-going love of them. He offers a brief account of a journey from Begoro to Abetifi and back with a party of part Christian and part heathen carriers. The foreman seems to have been one Joshua of Fankyeneko. While there does not seem to have been anything of the rebelliousness characterising the relations between missionaries and carriers in Akim in the 1860s, the Christian carriers were not completely meek and submissive - lobbying for extra pay during the stay in Abetifi etc, although in the end accepting a much lower gift from Munz than they had tried to get him to pay them as wages.
Mohr's Report for the First Quarter 1881
Concerned exclusively with Fankyeneko and Anyinam, raising yet again the question of the style appropriate for catechist’s houses, and the problem of payment for them. He feels that after their schooling when they were housed in airy rooms, care should be taken over the kind of houses in which catechists are asked to live. Also it is of use to the missionaries to have a house where they can rest, and where they can talk privately to the catechist or to individual Christians. He describes the decline of the Fankyeneko community in some detail. One of the problems was that the house collapsed during a rain storm when partly built, which made the building so much more onerous. Then two of the adult men left on a trading expedition, one to Akwapim, the other to Fante. This left only 4 men capable of working on the house. The man who went to Akwapim came back (it seems within six months) but had to be excluded for having lived as a heathen while in Akwapim, and marrying a prostitute on his return. The man who went to Fante - Emil, the strongest and most intelligent of the Christians, whom Mohr had looked forward to having as an elder - had lapsed into dancing and playing during his journey, and although had has a wife with whom he seems happy in Fankyeneko, he lived with a heathen girl while he was away. He himself offered this information in the idea of escaping public exclusion from the community. Over Anyinam he is almost enthusiastic. The Christians have by themselves built a catechists house with a room for passing missionaries, and have moved themselves onto the mission land. There are 7 husband-wife units living, there – and although in only two cases are both husband and wife Christians, the other wives are showing signs of wanting to follow their husbands into baptism. Among the newly baptised are several slaves from the interior. Until now they had been afraid to break free of their master, an old blind prince. But last year one of them was ill-treated, and fled to the catechist who restrained the cruel man from going to extremes, and the rest claimed their freedom and came onto the station. It is difficult to teach them, since they speak twi so badly, but it is good news to them that God's love and mercy is for them as well as the Akims. There have, however, been some difficulties in Anyinam. A mother of three children, who was widowed, has insisted on marrying a heathen, and thus has been excluded. And the oldest of the Christians has also had to be excluded from Holy Communion through irregularities when he went to the coast to trade. He hoped to earn by involving himself in the oil trade in Akwapim and went away in spite of the fact that his neighbours were involved in house-building on the mission land. He came under no Christian influence in the Akwapim farming villages, and at one stage tried to increase his earning by mixing water with the palm-oil. He was repeatedly ill, and now has returned poorer than he went away
Mohr to Basel - Report of a Journey from Begoro to the Hinterland of the Anum Station
The report begins with a five page introduction about preparations and travelling techniques. Leaving Begoro he remarks that there is a pond in the course of the river Osubeng near the town, which is accounted a fetish - women pray to it for children, and it is also the water in which the stools and fetishes are washed, and where the bereaved have to purify themselves. He comments on the Akura that they found by the way that they are light houses built of materials easy to find in the woods, and lived in by farmers or hunters or snail gathered for part of the year. The ‘traditional hospital' is often a grouping of such houses - people often live through long illnesses in the forest. This is partly because of the fear that in the town ill-wishing neighbours would be able to interrupt one's recovery, or inflict a further illness. They passed on the first day an Akura called Oboro-Ahohoo (he cudgeled the strangers), where they met 4 men from Gyakiti. These people knew that there was a white man in Anum who planned to travel through Gyakiti to Begoro, and that there was a white man from Akropong with him. (These were the missionaries Munz and Eisenschmid). Aboroahohoo was 5 hours from Begoro: as in all such places they were able to find an old pot for cooking, and a mortar for making fufu. Next day after two or three hours they came to Kokone Mountain, which Mohr says was once inhabited by the Krobos, until troubles with the Akems persuaded them to move to Krobo Mountain. Two hours later they passed the groups of huts oalled Bogyabeyedom and Mua-wo-ano and came to the Akura Fefeso, which consists of three large huts. The day before the Begoro women had left this place after 10 days’ collecting snails. The men had had to stay in Begoro on account of an investigation into a murder. Prom there after 1 ¾ hours they came to the lake Nanteta, which he describes as famous in Begoro as source of stories about gigantic snakes etc., and a great haunt of game and hunters. Unfortunately the whole lake is overcrowd with grass. At 4.30 they reached the akura Asesewa where one Krobo man introduced himself as the owner of the land. Next day it was 8 hours march to Gyakiti. Towards mid-morning they passed a great open space called Nwanwenenso 1000’ long, on which were growing pineapples. There were a few water-holes to be seen. At the end of this place their way to Gyakiti crossed another going to Odumase. (He gives the dates for the next part of the journey, Gyakiti to Boso, as 8-11 May). In Gyakiti, the chief town of Asuagya or Kyamana (Akwamu on the west of the Volta) they met the chief (Kwame Owuwa), and on the day which Mohr spent resting there Munz and Eisenschmid arrived. There is a detailed description of street preaching that evening. They began by singing ‘Asempa na yeka kyere me se Nyankopon do wiase’. Then since Mohr knew that every day the people has been enraged by the news of judgements given against 5 people by the Akwamuhene (Akoto), he preached on the 10 commandments and forgiveness, ending up with John 3.16. Peter Hall gave an allegorical description of the substitutionary atonement in terms of a slave who was spared from death by the death of the king’son. One hour out of Gyakiti they came to Anyina-ase, where their preaching before the chief was interrupted by the arrival of the fetish priestess from Apirade in Akwapim to re-awaken the local fetish. 40 minutes further on they reached the big farming village Adsawa-Ase, where the whole population was absent, performing a custom at Apatifi (or Astattifi?), from which they passed through the akura Titokuru and in one hour (from Adasawa-Ase) reached the Volta bank at Sawa, where the ‘old and worthy chief' was a worried man until Mohr explained to him that he was a missionary, and no English officer. From there it was a short journey to Pese where they preached again, before the chief whom Mohr `described as the next highest after the Akwamu king. They stayed the night at Apatifi. The next day they made their way to nearby Apaso, and came to the last right-bank village- Awurahae. Of this he says that earlier this must have been an important town. On crossing from there to Dodi he understood why it was that people have sailed up the Volta without seeing the mouth of the Afram - it is concealed by two islands unless you are near the Awurahae bank. It was in Dodi that he heard talk of Panto as an important trading centre, and formed the resolution to go there. Since however, no-one in Dodi knew the way he decided to make for Boso and make further enquiries there. Dodi they found re-built, and with wide streets. He felt in a strange land since only those men, and people who were born in Akwapim understood twi. The rest spoke exclusively guan, and street preaching would have to be carried on in that language. They left Dodi and went through Tosen to Boso, where they found 8 Christians. The people had just rebuilt, the town in a month after- it had been almost completely burnt down, after having heen rebuilt from the Asante war only two years before. He judges it to be no bigger than Begoro - the main street is 300 paces long. (Boso to Panto and back to Peki, 12-18 May). His route was Boso-Parema-To-Tenko – the latter three were big places. Mohr's interpreter Johannes found himself in Parema during the Asante War. This is a great area for oil palms, and when the time is almost come for the harvest the Ada merchants send agents to the villages, who say that in so many weeks the merchant will came with a boat to purchase oil, and indeed from Pese upstream you find many agents, who exchange salt for oil. The well-known Ada Christian Osabute, for example, has a 'shop' opposite from Pese on the Anum side, and takes all the oil from Anum. In To he decided to fork left on the direct route to Panto rather than -going right up the main route through Peki to Panto. That night they slept in Sohae, having passed through no settlements apparently since Tonko. The Sohae chief was Kofi Abro. Next day they passed through a second and larger Sohae, and reached Botoku. Shortly after passing Botoku they passed through Owusuta, the general name for the 8 villages of Oboni, Nyina-ase, Atikwee, Bogyese, Anyaho (a little town), Owa (a big town) Tabota, Ohoto (very big), Gadse. In Obom he had his work cut out to persuade an enraged people that he was not an English officer. The cause of this was that 4 days before the Pefe chief had been found beheaded in Obom, and although the Obom people tried to claim it was suicide there seemed every indication that he had been murdered. The Pefe people had sent a present of spirits to the King in Peki to ask for an investigation, and the Obom people thought that Mohr was the appointed investigator, until he persuaded them otherwise. They spent that night it Ahate, where the view was the farthest reaching and grandest of any he had seen, except for that from Gyampomani. The third day out from Boso they passed by the three Abate villages Agrambu (a hamlet), Beme, and the large village Torome. After 2-3 hours they reached Dsheome (Tweme) which he then discovered was four towns - Kumfa the capital, Gynema between the Volta and – Kumfa, and on the bank of the Volta the two-towns Atekweta and Anwome. In Komfe he was taken to meet the king, who was in the company of a much decorated fetish priest (of Dente) who claimed to be the influence which kept ill-luck out of the town. The latter brought palm-wine in order that Mohr might pour, a libation to his God. From Dsheome-Kumfa he travelled through the other Dsheome towns, and after them travelling north up the Volta came to Nkami. This is the Ada marketplace Nkami, and must be differentiated from the town of Nkami on the opposite shore. The latter is apparently quite isolated on that shore – there are reputed to be no village inland from it. The Ada merchants’ settlement belongs to a Bannerman and in addition to articles of trade deals in slaves. These are brought down from Salaga to this last safe station before entering the colony, and there handed over to particular buyers especially from Krobo. The market occurs every fifth day, falling on the same day as that in Panto. He stayed in Panto only two nights and one day; the day unfortunately not being a market day. Describing the town he says that the main street, although narrows, was 800’ long. Also he speaks of little alleyways - so presumably the town had breadth as well as length. On the day he was there most of the people were involved in their farming till late in the day. However, there was a population of Mohammedans (he saw one priest), living in their own quarter round huts with thatched roofs. He also met a Sierra Leone trader who greeted him in broken English, and people from the colony who were in this region because of debts or their past history. He was also struck by the number of slaves and their heavy burdens, and contemplates the possibility if they had money of buying them up and taking them to form a mission colony. The chief was called Sagadu, he came to a street preaching along with a whole crowd of his townspeople, and Mohr thinks they were much struck by the singing. He saw many oxen in Panto, and many excellent sheep and goats, though horses and donkeys were to be found only in small numbers. He reports that on market day major commodities were salt, European and local cloths, basketware, leatherware (including red-dyed leather) pottery, and especially shea butter. Cowries are the main currency, the silver is also accepted. There is plenty of meat to be bought, also many yams. The route back from Panto lay through Asefe, Okyirife, Sofe to Amfoi. The latter is the biggest African town he has seen in this district. The people make very fine earthenware, part of their secret being that they mix shards ground to dust into the clay they use. From there the road travels through the Tutunya or Tapo villages of Branko, Gyabagte, Pemme, Adomme, and Bako. They spent the night at a lonely farming village, Damme. The next day they travelled through Akyamme, and then through the Axate and NnyeduaSe villages of Toi, Agatee, Woagyi, Pefe and Abrofom. Of these Agatee is the biggest, and several, e.g. Toi and Pefe are in fact two villages only a few hundred yards apart both with the same name. After this group of villages they passed through 2 villages called Atwakae, and then to the Kyibo village of Dafolegame, and Kyibo itself where they spent the night. He remarks how impressive it was to see that these Krepe villages were completely rebuilt and all traces of the Asante war expunged. The only place which was not fully rebuilt was Peki, and the reason for that was among other grudges against the present King. The next day they came to Peki, and met the king whose real name was Nyankamago, although the people know him by the name of his predecessor Kwadwo Odee. While he was away from Mohr at a palaver, he gave him a large stereoscope-box to look into. Mohr was able to address a large gathering including more chiefs than he had ever seen before in one place. The Christians there were in the process of setting up a Christian village for themselves. In Anum the same day he found the Christians there building a Christian village as well, 6 minutes from the heathen town, and 9 minutes from the ruins of the old mission house. (19-27 May – Anum to Begoro) Leaving Anum, they could find neither boat nor boatman at the landing place 'opposite Pese, and were forced to travel through Osei Dako’s Akura to Mmem. Here the chief was not welcoming them although the whole population of the town gathered in the evening to ask questions about his religion. From Mmem he went by canoe to Akwamu. On the journey back through the unfrequented forest country to Begoro, 1/2 hour before reaching Begoro they passed the Akura of the rich man Ntim. He also met, in Akatawia, the deposed Begorohene Fenin. He had been deposed because of his mania for drink and trade. Since living in Akatawia he had teen making money by selling land to the Krobos – earlier the river Peompong was the boundary, but the Krobos had made farms on the other side of the river and then had -bought land on the Begoro side from Tenin. Akatawia consisted of 3-4 houses. After Akatawia they came to Bamana-ase, a large snail collecting Akura, which (this year) since the Begoro people were not able to leave the town on account of the murder had been populated for 4 weeks by people from Kukurantumi and Osiem. After passing Asikesun they came to Nsonso where they spent a night. Topics of anthropological and general interest: Joshua the linguist he explains had been baptised by Süss, later fought under Dompre against the Asantes, and thus knew the area into which Mohr was travelling, and had some acquaintance with the Ewe language. He was in hopes of becoming evangelist. Mohr appears to have had 4 carriers at the beginning of his journey, one with his fieldbed, one with a box of clothes, one with a box of drink, and one with a box of provisions. The latter contained tins of ground coffee, tea, sugar, milk, meat extract, a few tins of preserved soup for emergencies, quinine, rhubarb, epsom salts, cherry brandy as embrocation in case he was frequently wet, sewing things, plates, cutlery, glasses and books for reading. The drink case contained beer and some wine. His rapport with his carriers appears to have been good according to him they were as excited as he was at the prospect of getting to Panto; and there is no talk of difficulties with them. There is an account of the mending of a pot in order to make it waterproof for boiling plantains. This was done by heating the pot, and the covering the faulty area with alternate layers of grated flesh of a green plantains, and ashes. He also notes that taboos applying to a family apply equally to their pots in an Akura belonging to the family of one of his carriers the carrier stopped some other people borrowing a pot in order to cook antelope since antelope was “akyide” (atrocity) to the pot. The disregarding of such fetish taboo is one of the freedoms much prized by the Christians. Dente, and fetish lore. Apart from the reference to Dente in Komfe, Mohr remarks that in all the Krepe villages, about 100 yards from the first house, stands the house of Dente. In Peki the house of the local fetish was severely damaged by white ants, and the 4-6’ high earth mound in which the' fetish was placed, had fallen in. Mohr discusses the phenomenon of the mouth of the fetishes dying (‘obosom ano kum’), this happens often to the fetishes. Especially when a young fetish priest takes over from an old one, and does not knew the dodges and strategies, then he tends to say either that the -questioner has brought something which is unclean to the fetish and thus the fetish does not answer - or alternatively that, simply, he cannot hear the voice of the fetish. The same thing happens if there is too small a gathering of petitioners, or if the priest is not given enough to bite on. Apart from the normal purification processes, the priests if the silence of the fetish continues may seek to ‘sharpen’ it. This is done by either seeking the advice of a shrine in a different district, or going to a senior and respected priest in one’s own district. The process involves the priest of the silent fetish repeating all that has gone on in his own family and in the town, after which advice can be given as to what is needed to revive the voice of the fetish. On the material culture of the districts through which he passed, Mohr comments that he was impressed by the Adum (granaries) of the Akwamu villages – he feels they are very practical, and could be adapted to the of storing of the groundnuts. They display an unusual care over the question of future food supplies. He further remarks that, after leaving his field bed at Gyakiti and collecting it again at- Odumase Krobo on the way home, he was usually able to borrow a cotton or grass-stuffed mattress in the Akwamu villages, but on the left bank of the Volta he had to sleep on the ground. In Krepe country he was impressed by the number of weavers to be seen. He implies that a weaver was to be found under every village shade tree. The cloth was dyed both blue and red. In Agatee he visited a smithery, and although he does not say this, it seems probably that he had never seen a traditional smithery before. He gives a drawing of the bellows system. He also offers information on roads. Between Peki and Panto he had to climb over lot one single tree-trunk – this was a major contrast for him with the situation in Akem. And over the Pompong there was a real bridge, made of two long tree stems elevated over the level of the bank by a wooden framework; onto the two main stems were tied stout sticks to make a pathway (there is no mention of hand-rails). This is the first bridge Mohr has seen made by Africans. On family organisation Mohr noted that while in Akim the married daughters continue to live with their mothers in mmafi, while their husbands live elsewhere in the town, often in groups together with old friends and comrades, in Krepe the husband and wife have their own house and live together. On the content of his preaching information is offered as to the main lines of his message in several places (in addition to note on what was said in Gyakiti). In Anyina-ase he added to his first words some anti-fetish settlement inspired by the presence of the fetish priestess of Apirade. This was mainly along the lines that the fetishes were dumb gods, and that the priestess was both betrayer and betrayed, considering that she lived in a place where it was to hear the message of the true God. In Pese he preached on Acts 17.30 - the general need for penitence, and salvation in Christ. In Apatifi in the presence of a custom for the dead he preached on John 2.25 – the idea that God had not meant men to die, but that sin had caused death, and now in the redemption death had been destroyed for people who believe in Christ. In Boso he preached on Ephesians 6 14-16. In Kumfa he told them that he had a great secret to tell them – the destruction of the effects of sin. In Panto he emphasised that redemption was intended for everyone, slave and master alike especially dwelling on the idea of God’s love for the slave. In Peki he preached that he hoped that with the rebuilding of the town they would take on a new religious allegiance. There is little information on people's reactions to his preaching. There seems to have been no opposition on any scale, apart from the unwillingness of the chief at Mmem to accommodate them, or provide them with a boat for the journey to Akwamu. The only places where an extended account is given of reactions are Botoku and Peki. In the former the chief said that everything Mohr said about God's Word was good and true. But why was he not prepared to live with him and his people? Why were there no missionaries in Peki? If someone wanted to become a Christian in Botoku, who was to teach him? Must they go 3 days’ journey away to Ho? In the latter, after listening to Mohr speak the king said that there was no wicked thought in his heart. Two footnotes: - The party enlivened the way by singing hymns. - Mohr staved off an attack of diarrhoea by taking doses of red wine.
Mohr to Basel - The Main Report of the Ramseyer/Mohr Expedition to Kumasi
There is a printed version of this report in Heidenbote 1882 pp 26ff, which covers the actual visit to Kumasi. Additional material: In talking about the preparations for the journey, Mohr says that Ramseyer had received reports from various people about the route, which had in fact been closed to salt and munition by the English government for some time. In fact just before they were due to set out the news arrived of an agreement between the colonial government and Asante, and it was said that salt was again moving north into Kumasi and could be bought there in the market. They were delayed in setting out because the Abetifihene Kofi Denkyi feared that their visit would be taken as a political gesture of his - the missionaries made it clear that they were going on their own initiative and responsibility, but had recruit carriers from Mpraeso, since Abetifi people were forbidden from going with them. (Mohr explains in outline political situation. in Kwahu, and says that Obo had maintained a secret link with Agogo ‘the most notable town in Eastern Asante). 3 of Mohr’s Begoro carriers also refused to go further out of fright, and he had to recruit new ones. August 23rd from Obo Twenedurase through Zwasihu (where Mohr preached on John 6.37) and stayed the night at Akwaboa. August 24th a hard day’s journey to the first Asante Akim village, Sankore. They failed to get as far as Bompata, their actual objective for the day. A load of foodstuffs was sent from Sankore direct to Obogu for use on the return journey. Bompata they reached after 20 minutes the next .morning. August 25th – passing through Bompata where their preaching was attended by a large crowd, they visited Adomfe, and stayed the night in Kurofa. In the former they found a Fante rascal, one of the ‘bush magistrates’ who function on the order of the Protectorate, settling disputes and being paid for same. Of course he was very pious and warned the people to take the preaching to heart. But the missionaries warned the people aganinst him. In Kurofa they found a young man chained, and after Ramseyer’s intervention, the chief promised to set her free. She had done nothing but she was a citizen of that part of Asante-Akim which was remaining loyal to Asante, and out a pure spirit of revenge she was being made to suffer. When the people repented of the chief's promise the next morning, Mohr told them that this was no way for them to behave if they were trying.to get English protection – and the missionaries promised to try to intercede for Kurofa people imprisoned in the other part of Asante –Akim. August 26th - they preached in Kurofa Ezekiel 33.2., then after a hard hour's march reached Dwansa. The king, a relative of the Asantehene would not see them. Before the Asante-Juaben war this had been the capital of Asante-Akim, but now with its chief, has thrown off the Asante allegiance. They preached, on Col.1.12-13, then after a short march crossed the border into Asante at the river Owere, and a quarter of an hour later came to Domeabra. There they found several Kumase people, recognised by Ramseyer sitting with the chief. The linguist informed them that their visit to Kumasi must be announced to the Asantehene, and they were sending two sword-bearers to Eumasi for this purpose straight away. The missionaries proposed to spend the time of waiting in a visit to Agogo, and a messenger was sent to announce their arrival there as well. Mohr preached later in the day on the subject of the heavenly journey on which one embarks after changing one's character. They found a slave in the block whom they were able to have freed but they could make no way with getting the freedom of 4 people from Kufofa. August 27th - after 2.5 hours they reached Fwereem, from there the 40 minutes long walk to Agogo was along a broad way which had been specially cleaned in their honour. The welcome in Agogo was the most splendid of any they received, other than in Kumasi. As they preached the town they heard on all sides ‘Ao! Sise ni!’ (A pencilled margin refers to ‘4 Years in Asante' and the Asante word for white man being a derivation from Süss’ name) – and Yaw Asamoa the king did his best to receive them in the friendliest possible way. When they went to see the place where the Ramseyers and Kühne had been lodged as prisoners they found the hut fallen in - Mohr remarks that not one of those places has survived. The king showed signs of real alarm when Ramseyer recalled his irons, and had to be assured that Ramseyer bore no grudge on the subject. August 28th - They had hoped that they could make an arrangement to visit Agogo every year in the Harmattan season, but they found that Asamoa was unwilling to contemplate any arrangement on the lines. He affirmed continually that he would live and die for the Asantehene - it appeared that as the farthest chief from Kumase in this direction he was not trusted - so that any visit to him would have to go through the formality of being known to the Asantehene. Nevertheless the secret link between Agogo and Obo was real enough for Mohr and Ramseyer to send their wives letters from Agogo. At a preaching they had almost the whole population to talk to - Mohr reckoned it was about the size of the population of Abetifi. Ramseyer began with Matt 11.26 (Come unto me…), Mohr took Acta 4.2 on the name of Jesus and young teacher Koranteng closed with a short word on Is. 4.22 (The Godless have no peace....). Despite pressing invitation to remain, they insisted that they must leave Agogo that day in order to be in a position to reach the Asokore farms in one day's march, rather than spend a night in the bush. On their return journey they travelled via Twerem, then down to Asantra, where a few people remained, and stayed the night at Wiawoso. August 29th - after they had descended to the Juaben plain they found themselves on a road which brought them in 6 hours to an Asokore farming village, Nyamfa. This was the area of the importanr Asokore Kola nut woods, where the trees are carefully tended. The village where they spent the night was in one such Kola nut wood. August 30th. Asokore was reached after 2 1/41 hours, a place which relatively speaking most Juaben people have returned. Afidwase and the capital Juaben are- still almost totally in ruins, only a few isolated huts have been rebuilt among the ruins. In Asokore they asked for a guide to take them to Totorase the village where the Ramseyer's son Fritz was buried. The previous chief of Totorase - which no longer exists – took them - they located the position of a hut which Ramseyer could remember, and found the banana trees under which the grave been made, but they could find no stone to mark it, and the king had not kept his promise or least not been obeyed. In Asokore they preached on the subject of life being the search for God. They passed through the ruins of Afidwase in ten minutes after leaving Asokore, and came to Juaben. There was a fetish priest there, and a vulnerable old man who took the role of the chief, which is not to say much considering the few people in the town. He said “The Asantehene has placed me here to give strangers fire for their pipes, and the departed-spirits water to drink.” 31st August to 5th September. On their way towards Kumasi on 31st August they met a herald in Bomfa coming to meet them with the two sword-bearers from Domeabra. These brought the news that the Asantehene would meet them on the next Monday at sunset - so they had 5 days in which to wait. They spent the time in the district, preaching as far as, possible. For three days they were based on Asotwe, where Ramseyer renewed his acquaintance with Odogo. They sent another messenger in to the Asantehene urging that he meet them at least on Saturday, but the reply came that this could not be, since they were celebrating the custom of a linguist who died a few days before. Mohr comments that the real reason for the delay was the Asantehene's wish to bring in a large population from the villages around Kumasi in order to make the welcome of important strangers as imposing as possible - it is by this means that white men have been welcomed by a crowd of as many as 20’000. The kings in the Protectorate openly bemoan that they are no longer able to exhibit their majesty on such a scale. From Asotwe they went to a farming-village belonging to the Asantehene, Fomesua, after having passed through and preached in Abankurow and Tikurowni. And on the Sunday, separated in the morning, Mohr going to preach in Nboma-so, and Ramseyer to Koko-bra. On the Monday they went through Osubeng and Nsupow to Kumase. (From here the account is mainly printed). Additional material - that under the shade tree at Dadeso-aba they were the spectators of several .processions of mourners being led, toward the cemetery by fetish priests or priestesses. The market in which they were received was the Dwabirim. The King’s wives' eunuchs were again in evidence and strictly obeyed by the men. The Wesleyan Missionhouse is in ruins. The 'other chief" to whom they had communicated there was Owusu Koko. (The account of the return journey was not printed in Heidenbote). Here was some anxiety about then they would be allowed to leave Kumasi. The Friday was the day of the audience, and on the next Monday the king's present arrived - £8 in gold dusts (plus sundry provisions). And in the end they were assured that they would be able to leave the following Monday. Their carriers felt that they were prisoners – several decamped the Sunday after the audience, though two came back the next day troubled by what their status would be without the missionaries. And Mohr reports that when they did leave the people whom they passed in the streets were surprised that the king had let them go so soon (this seems another of hints that he gives that the population of Kumasi were rather more hostile than Ramseyer portrayed them). The first night they spent at Ayigya, having had difficulty keeping up with the carriers. Next day via Fomesua, where the two ways fork, through Oboankrah, and then a row of fine-looking villages (Kwamo, Krapa, Adweso, Mmerease, Dosebi, Dadentam, Ampedame). In Oboankra they went into the forest to see those great granite blocks - and as well as the giant blocks they found other blocks strewn around in the immediate neighbourhood. They spent the night in an Odumase village (no name) and next day through Konongo to Obogu. They found building in progress in Obogu, and is a neatly laid out town. Although it belongs to Asante Akim it is at the moment independent of Asante Akim, Akim Kotoku and Asante. The background which Mohr gives to this is that several years ago the King was involved in a court-case in Cape Coast, was imprisoned and actually found himself carrying night-soil. He could have been saved by payment of £70, but no-one came to his rescue, .and so, he resolved to cut himself off from his neighbours. Like the rest of Asante Akin he is deterred from pressing too hard to be admitted to the Protectorate, because of his dislike of any idea of slave- and pawn-emancipation. (18th Sep).On the Saturday they crossed the Kome after 2 1/4 hours, and found on its left bank some Kotokus settled. From Praso they left the usual way in order to visit Afosu, a village settled by colonists from Domeabra; in Afosu they met a Christian from Kukurantumi. Then they lost the way and came to an isolated hut built among the ruins of a village - this was Aberem, the village having been destroyed in the war when Gyadam was sacked. From there they reached Ekwae where they held their Sunday services. That day they walked through Asuom (where the people said they would become Christians if the chief told them to) Owiawoso, Tweapeaase, Mpeha, to Bomsu where they spent the night. The party separated there, Ramsyer travelling to Obomeng/Mpraeso via Obomosu, and Mohr going via Tumfa, Kwabeng, Anyinam to Begoro. At Kukubi on the Berem he found a ferry built on the same principles the cable ferries in Europe. The cable was 4 Spanish Canes plaited together, and made fast to trees on the banks, and a strong woodcutter is the motive power. According to reports the two missionaries heard in Kwahu and Begoro, Boakye Tengteng was already returning or about to return to Kumasi- Also, although the quality of the receptionof their preaching is nowhere described in detail, Mohr says early on that the usual thing in an Asante village, during this journey, was for the whole population to turn out for street preaching. The most extended general account of affairs not printed concerns the condition of Asante Akim. He gives the reason for the movement of people from Amantra to Bompata as their wishing to declare themselves independent from Asante. He himself had had to quite re-orientate his idea of the geography of Asante Akim. He had thought that Obogu was the capital and the centre of the district with Amantra to the north. But instead they found Bompata - unknown by name before Brethren Dilger's visit at the centre, and Obogu, though a notable village on the edge of the district. Geographically it is clear that the work in Asante-Akim should be an extension from Kwahu. The Asante-Akim people have put themselves under the authority of Akim Kotoku, and wish, as is known, to put themselves under British protection. This is not surprising – Akims are still fleeing from Asante and settling in the district. Their appeal for a teacher is part of this strategy - they feel they will be safe if the missionaries station a man among them. The seceding towns and villages unfortunately live in enmity with those remaining true to Asante, and though this has not expressed itself in open battle, the trade way is closed (unlike that via Adanse), and many people are kept in chains having found themselves on the wrong side of the border. Many slaves are coming across the border, too, in order to enjoy their freedom in the Protectorate - and thus much money is being lost on, both sides. There are cases too of pawns not wanting to accompany masters into the independent area. On his side the Asantehene is trying to handle the loyal Asante-Akim people as gently as possible - they were in Kumasi a case arose in which an Asante-Akim man who had sworn the King's oath falsely was not put to death. On account of this instability Mohr thinks it would be unwise to station a man in Asante Akim, but the district offers rich opportunities to people conducting preaching tours. Describing the part of Asante Akim remaining under the Asantehene, Mohr lists its towns as Domeabra, Nyabo, Kononmo Twereem, Agogo. From there it is a hard day's march to the Juaben villages. According to the chief in Domeabra that town alone has lost 750 people (to the independent area presumably). Amantra has disappeared, except that the Asantehene has sent several people to settle there again. As an appendix to Mohr’s account is some information about routes: 1. Begoro-Abetifi-Konongo-Kumasi 2. Begoro-Abetifi-Agogo-Kumasi 3. Begoro-Tumfa-Asuum-Obogu-Kumasi Mohr remarks that the 1st route is the least exhausting from Abetifi to Kumasi, and offers the most opportunities for preaching. Route 2 involves two days through thick wood to Agogo, and it is forest again from Agogo to Asokore, small farming villages excepted. And an additional advantage to the first route is that after Oboankra there is a mass of notable villages, while on route 2 you pass through the area of destroyed Juaben villages.
D. Huppenbauer's Annual Report on Schools in the Kibi District
5 ex-pupils of the school entered the Middle School at the beginning of the school year, while 5 more entered the teacher's seminary. Three of the latter have already come away - they say on account of the many blows they had received. Huppenbauer appears not to discount this altogether. In the first half of the year there were 35 pupils in the school, and in the second half 43. New pupils were only taken into class I if they came from West Akim and Obomosu. From other outstations they came with enough grounding to enter a higher class. They are economising by reducing the amounts paid out to provide food for each boy each month - the sum has already been reduced by 3d, if it were reduced by 5d they would save £10 p.a. The problem is that it is so difficult to get money out of parents or relatives for schooling. The situation is going to make for problems especially when the boys arrive in the Middle School. Most of the relatives are heathen, so where will they get money for payment? Two of the new pupils in the Middle School have had £1 of support from a Christian uncle, but then only after in one case Huppenbauer himself had contributed 15/-. In the other case the uncle asked that if he was going to pay for his nephew's schooling the mission should recognise nephew inheritance in this case. The outcome looks as if it will be matter of Akim schoolboys, attending the Teacher's Seminary, where no payment is required, but this is a serious matter as it would mean that no native Akim's became catechists. He regrets Anoba's leaving the school, and describes him in glowing terms as having loved the boys and gained their trust 'as no European could have done'. There is a subscript from J. Müller as District Inspector of schools in which he defends what had happened to the three Akims in the Teacher Seminar. They had written two letters between them. One from one Thomas Agyei, explained that he wanted to become a carpenter. The other jointly from John Wusu and Robert Nkoroma complained of hard handling by teacher Medegbo, but they ran away like thieves in the night, and the principal believes the real trouble was their 'weak gifts', and knowledge in the face of the demands made on them. Müller is philosophical about the loss-rate among Akims, they do: not take to an orderly life, very few have become satisfactory mission employees, another (Teacher Oware) has just left mission employment. It appears too that teacher Botwe had recently 'fallen' and had lost his job in the school.